{"id":2085,"date":"2025-01-27T11:50:31","date_gmt":"2025-01-27T08:50:31","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/erenyesilyurt.com\/?p=2085"},"modified":"2025-01-29T11:47:28","modified_gmt":"2025-01-29T08:47:28","slug":"gianluca-giannini-carl-schmitt-gercek-bir-muhafazakar-devrimciydi","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/erenyesilyurt.com\/index.php\/2025\/01\/27\/gianluca-giannini-carl-schmitt-gercek-bir-muhafazakar-devrimciydi\/","title":{"rendered":"Gianluca Giannini: Carl Schmitt, ger\u00e7ek bir muhafazak\u00e2r devrimciydi"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

Gianluca Giannini’nin Ripensare Carl Schmitt tra i materiali della Rivoluzione Conservatrice<\/em>, O.M. Gnerre’nin Materiali<\/em> kitab\u0131ndaki makalesi bu ba\u011flamda ilgimi \u00e7ekti. Carl Schmitt ve fikirleri g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde h\u00e2l\u00e2 tart\u0131\u015f\u0131lmaya devam ediyor. Bir muhafazak\u00e2r devrimci olarak Schmitt’in bu y\u00f6n\u00fc, \u00fczerine yap\u0131lan tart\u0131\u015fmalarda genellikle ihmal ediliyor. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cMuhafazak\u00e2r devrimcilik\u201d kavram\u0131ndan bahsedildi\u011finde, bu iki terimi uzla\u015ft\u0131rmakta g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fck \u00e7ekilir. “muhafazak\u00e2r devrimcilik\u201d nedir?<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00d6ncelikle \u201cmuhafazak\u00e2r devrimcilik\u201d<\/em>ten s\u00f6z ederken, her \u015feyden \u00f6nce \u201ctarihsel ba\u011flam\u201d<\/em> gibi bir\u00e7ok unsuru dikkate alarak konu\u015fmam\u0131z gerekiyor. Aksi takdirde, mek\u00e2ndan ve zamandan kopuk soyut kategorilere ba\u015fvurma riski do\u011far ki bu da bizi soyut kavramlarla ilgili tart\u0131\u015fmalara s\u00fcr\u00fckler. Muhafazak\u00e2r Devrim, esas olarak Weimar Cumhuriyeti (1919-1933) d\u00f6neminde Almanya\u2019da geli\u015fen, karma\u015f\u0131k ve \u00e7ok y\u00f6nl\u00fc bir olgudur. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla \u201cmuhafazak\u00e2r devrimcilik\u201d,<\/em> moderniteye ve onun de\u011ferlerine y\u00f6nelik radikal bir ele\u015ftiriyi payla\u015fmalar\u0131na ra\u011fmen her zaman tutarl\u0131 ve yekpare olmayan \u00e7e\u015fitli k\u00fclt\u00fcrel, siyasi ve entelekt\u00fcel hareketlerin b\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fcn\u00fc ifade eder. Bundan dolay\u0131, Muhafazak\u00e2r Devrim hi\u00e7bir \u015fekilde organik bir siyasi hareket olu\u015fturmam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r; daha \u00e7ok geleneksel unsurlar\u0131 yenilenme talepleriyle bir araya getiren ve \u201cmodernli\u011fe kar\u015f\u0131 modernlik\u201d diye de tan\u0131mlanan bir d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce do\u011furmu\u015ftur.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bildi\u011fimiz gibi Weimar Cumhuriyeti d\u00f6nemi Almanya\u2019s\u0131, ciddi \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde siyasi, finansal ve toplumsal istikrars\u0131zl\u0131k i\u00e7indeydi. I. D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131\u2019ndaki yenilgi, Versay Antla\u015fmas\u0131 ve bunun yol a\u00e7t\u0131\u011f\u0131 sosyoekonomik zorluklar, b\u00fcy\u00fck bir \u00f6fkeye ve k\u00f6kl\u00fc alternatif aray\u0131\u015flar\u0131na zemin haz\u0131rlam\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Bu \u00e7er\u00e7evede, Muhafazak\u00e2r Devrim, Bat\u0131 uygarl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n krizinden sorumlu tuttu\u011fu liberalizm, sosyalizm ve Ayd\u0131nlanmac\u0131 rasyonalizme kar\u015f\u0131 ele\u015ftirel bir tav\u0131r olarak ortaya \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Sadece bu minimal tarihsel ba\u011flam \u00fczerinden bile Muhafazak\u00e2r Devrim\u2019in ne oldu\u011funu sormaya ba\u015flayabiliriz. Buradan hemen, bug\u00fcn bile Muhafazak\u00e2r Devrim hakk\u0131nda pek az bilgi sahibi olundu\u011funu ve bu cehaletin yaln\u0131zca Almanya d\u0131\u015f\u0131yla s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 kalmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 s\u00f6yleyebilirim. Dahas\u0131, Muhafazak\u00e2r Devrim hakk\u0131nda bildi\u011fimiz ya da bildi\u011fimizi sand\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z \u015feyler, \u00e7o\u011funlukla ya son derece indirgemeci ve basitle\u015ftirici yorum kal\u0131plar\u0131n\u0131n \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcd\u00fcr ya da kimi \u00e7a\u011fda\u015f kuramsal ihtiya\u00e7lara g\u00f6re \u015fekillendirilmi\u015f kat\u0131 \u00f6n kabullerin yans\u0131mas\u0131d\u0131r; oysa Muhafazak\u00e2r Devrim, bizzat sahip oldu\u011fu karma\u015f\u0131kl\u0131k nedeniyle basit \u015fablonlara s\u0131\u011fmayan ve indirgenemez bir toplam te\u015fkil eder.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla, bu \u00e7o\u011ful evreni \u00f6zg\u00fcn, ger\u00e7ek ve tamam\u0131yla karma\u015f\u0131k bi\u00e7imde yeniden d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnmek zorunludur. Bu, sadece salt \u201ctarih yaz\u0131m\u0131na\u201d <\/em>\u00f6zg\u00fc bir sorunu \u00e7\u00f6zmek, \u00fcstelik \u201ckibirli\u201d bir \u015fekilde bu meseleyi kesin olarak halletmek i\u00e7in de\u011fil; belki de g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde, bamba\u015fka bir tarihsel-siyasal ba\u011flamda, h\u00e2l\u00e2 verimli ve \u00fcretken sonu\u00e7lar do\u011furabilecek izleri takip edebilmek i\u00e7in de gerekli.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Alman Muhafazak\u00e2r Devrimi diye adland\u0131r\u0131lan \u015fey, anla\u015f\u0131lmas\u0131 da tan\u0131mlanmas\u0131 da zor bir olgudur. Bu g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fck, \u00f6zellikle nasyonal sosyalizm gibi \u00e7a\u011fda\u015f veya hemen sonras\u0131ndaki siyasi olgularla s\u0131k s\u0131k \u00f6zde\u015fle\u015ftirilerek g\u00f6lgede b\u0131rak\u0131lmas\u0131ndan da kaynaklan\u0131r. Her ne kadar baz\u0131 yazarlar\u0131, k\u0131smen de olsa \u00dc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc Reich\u2019\u0131n ideolojik form\u00fclasyonlar\u0131n\u0131 etkilemi\u015f olsa da, bu iki olguyu basit\u00e7e \u00fcst \u00fcste koymak yan\u0131lt\u0131c\u0131 olur. Zira Muhafazak\u00e2r Devrim\u2019in pek \u00e7ok temsilcisi, nasyonal sosyalist y\u00f6netici kadrolarla son derece sorunlu, hatta d\u00fc\u015fmanca ili\u015fkiler kurmu\u015f, rejimin hem siyasi prati\u011fini hem de kuramsal temellerini ele\u015ftirmi\u015ftir. Buna ra\u011fmen, aralar\u0131ndaki ba\u011f da tamamen yok say\u0131lamaz: Bir yandan, devrimci-muhafazak\u00e2r fikirler, \u00dc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc Reich b\u00fcrokrasisindeki baz\u0131 unsurlar\u0131 etkilemi\u015ftir; \u00f6te yandan, Muhafazak\u00e2r Devrim i\u00e7indeki kimi temsilciler, aralar\u0131nda \u201cmill\u00ee-bol\u015fevik\u201d <\/em>veya Sovyetler Birli\u011fi sempatizan\u0131 olanlar\u0131n da bulundu\u011fu \u00e7e\u015fitli y\u00f6nelimleriyle nasyonal sosyalizme a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a kar\u015f\u0131 durmu\u015ftur.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bu nedenle, bu d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce ak\u0131m\u0131n\u0131n ger\u00e7ek do\u011fas\u0131n\u0131 yeniden ke\u015ffetmek esast\u0131r. \u0130\u00e7eriklerini derinlemesine irdelemek, o d\u00f6nemdeki Almanya\u2019n\u0131n siyasi ve k\u00fclt\u00fcrel ili\u015fkilerini daha iyi ayd\u0131nlatmakla kalmaz, ayn\u0131 zamanda s\u0131k\u00e7a yanl\u0131\u015f anla\u015f\u0131lm\u0131\u015f bir olguya yepyeni bir bak\u0131\u015f a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131yla bakmam\u0131za yard\u0131mc\u0131 olur. Sadece bu yolla, mant\u0131ksal bak\u0131mdan birbirine z\u0131t duran \u201cdevrim<\/em>\u201d ve \u201cmuhafazak\u00e2rl\u0131k\u201d<\/em> kavramlar\u0131n\u0131n ayn\u0131 anda kullan\u0131lmas\u0131 anla\u015f\u0131labilir h\u00e2le gelir. Bu ikili ifade, bug\u00fcn h\u00e2l\u00e2 baz\u0131 \u00e7evreleri, bu terimleri senkronik bi\u00e7imde nas\u0131l yan yana getireceklerini bilemez h\u00e2le sokmaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Carl Schmitt, muhafazak\u00e2r devrimci yazarlar ile hem sa\u011f hem de sol entelekt\u00fcel gelenekler aras\u0131nda \u00f6zel bir yere sahip g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcyor. Onun ileri s\u00fcrd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc fikirler, sa\u011fda ve solda nas\u0131l olup da b\u00fcy\u00fck etki yaratt\u0131? Schmitt\u2019i farkl\u0131 k\u0131lan neydi?<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Carl Schmitt\u2019in d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesine, \u00f6zellikle de Muhafazak\u00e2r Devrim ile ili\u015fkisi ba\u011flam\u0131nda bakarken, yanl\u0131\u015f anlamalara d\u00fc\u015fmek \u00e7ok kolayd\u0131r. \u00d6zetle s\u00f6ylemek gerekirse, d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesinin merkezinde, hayat, tarih ve refleksiyon (d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnme eylemi) aras\u0131ndaki g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc ili\u015fki vard\u0131r. Schmitt\u2019in kuram geli\u015ftirme s\u00fcreci, ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131 d\u00f6nemin ve varolu\u015fsal ko\u015fullar\u0131n\u0131n getirdi\u011fi h\u0131zl\u0131 ve hatta \u015fiddetli d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcmlere do\u011frudan ba\u011fl\u0131 olarak geli\u015fti. Bu ba\u011flamda, Muhafazak\u00e2r Devrim\u2019in i\u00e7inde, yepyeni ve \u00f6nemli katk\u0131larda bulundu. Bu katk\u0131lar, hukuk, siyaset ve felsefe odakl\u0131yd\u0131 ve Muhafazak\u00e2r Devrim hareketinin bi\u00e7imleni\u015fine hat\u0131r\u0131 say\u0131l\u0131r bir etki yapt\u0131; ancak yine de bu hareketin \u00f6zsel farkl\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 onunla s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 tutmak olanaks\u0131zd\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Schmitt\u2019in d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesinin sa\u011f veya sol \u00e7evrelerde, \u00f6zellikle \u0130kinci D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131 sonras\u0131 d\u00f6nemde kullan\u0131m\u0131na gelince, bu konuda ayr\u0131nt\u0131l\u0131 tart\u0131\u015fmalara girmekten ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131yorum. Zira b\u00f6ylesi karma\u015f\u0131k yazarlar\u0131 y\u00fczeysel bir \u015fekilde okumaya kalk\u0131\u015fanlar, \u00e7o\u011funlukla \u00e7eli\u015fkili sonu\u00e7lara ula\u015ft\u0131. \u201cCarl Schmitt At\u00f6lyesi\u201d<\/em> denilen ve \u00f6zellikle 1970\u2019ler-80\u2019lerde ortaya \u00e7\u0131kan yakla\u015f\u0131mda, pek \u00e7ok ki\u015fi Schmitt\u2019in metinlerini \u201cucuz fikir deposu\u201d <\/em>gibi g\u00f6r\u00fcp ondan faydalanmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Bu ise \u00e7arp\u0131k ve ciddi olmayan yorumlar do\u011furdu; bence o d\u00f6nem okumalar\u0131n\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131\u011fa vurup orada b\u0131rakmak daha iyi.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Schmitt\u2019in \u201chukuk\u201d, \u201cdevlet\u201d ve \u201csiyaset\u201d aras\u0131ndaki ili\u015fkilere dair geli\u015ftirdi\u011fi kuramlar, Muhafazak\u00e2r Devrim\u2019in kuramsal \u00e7er\u00e7evesine nas\u0131l bir katk\u0131 sundu?<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Carl Schmitt, ger\u00e7ek bir \u201cmuhafazak\u00e2r devrimci\u201dydi ve bu bence pek \u00e7ok kuramsal pasaj\u0131nda a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a g\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcr; \u00f6zellikle de nasyonal sosyalizmle kurdu\u011fu kendine \u00f6zg\u00fc \u201cyak\u0131nl\u0131k-uyum\u201d ili\u015fkisine bakarsak bu daha da berrakla\u015f\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ben, burada, Schmitt\u2019in bu devrimci-muhafazak\u00e2r k\u00f6klerini ve derinli\u011fini a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a if\u015fa eden bir kuramsal d\u00fc\u011f\u00fcme k\u0131saca de\u011finmek istiyorum: Bu, Schmitt\u2019in \u0130talyan fa\u015fizmi deneyimine dair yorumu ve bunun, nasyonal sosyalizm projesiyle ili\u015fkisi hakk\u0131ndaki g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fcd\u00fcr. Bu \u00f6zel noktadan, Schmitt\u2019in nasyonal sosyalizmi ne \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde anlad\u0131\u011f\u0131 ya da anlamad\u0131\u011f\u0131yla ilgili de\u011fil de, (\u00f6zellikle \u201cDevlet, hareket, halk\u201d ba\u015fl\u0131kl\u0131 pasajlar\u0131nda vurgulad\u0131\u011f\u0131 gibi) tam aksine, Schmitt\u2019in, nasyonal sosyalist projeyi bizzat kendi devrimci-muhafazak\u00e2r modeline \u2013burada, t\u00fcm eksikleriyle birlikte, esasen \u0130talyan siyasi ger\u00e7ekli\u011fine \u00e7ok daha yak\u0131n, Hitler\u2019in Mein Kampf<\/em>\u2019ta \u00e7izdi\u011fi ve ard\u0131ndan en ufak ayr\u0131nt\u0131s\u0131na dek uygulad\u0131\u011f\u0131 modele k\u0131yasla\u2013 g\u00f6re bi\u00e7imlendirme \u201ciddias\u0131nda\u201d oldu\u011fu izlenimini edinebilece\u011fimizi d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcyorum.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bu do\u011frultuda, do\u011frudan konuya girmek ad\u0131na, Schmitt\u2019in bizzat kaleme ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir metinle ba\u015flamak iyi olur. 1923\u2019te yazd\u0131\u011f\u0131 (1926\u2019da Richard Thoma\u2019n\u0131n polemikli ele\u015ftirisinden sonra tekrar yay\u0131mlad\u0131\u011f\u0131) Die geistesgeschichtliche Lage des heutigen Parlamentarismus<\/em> (G\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcz Parlamentarizminin Ruhbilimsel Durumu) adl\u0131 eserde, Schmitt tam da devrimci-muhafazak\u00e2r d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce evreniyle uyumlu bir bak\u0131\u015f a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131yla, modern parlamentonun en temelinde yatan prensibi anlamaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 s\u00f6yler ve bunun ahlaki ve manevi zeminini yitirdi\u011fini, sadece mekanik bir kal\u0131nt\u0131 olarak, \u201cbo\u015f bir ayg\u0131t\u201d \u015feklinde varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcrd\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc vurgular. Ona g\u00f6re, parlamentonun bu \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f durumunun kabul edilmesi, t\u0131pk\u0131 \u0130talya\u2019da oldu\u011fu gibi, par\u00e7alanmaya s\u00fcr\u00fcklenen siyasi yap\u0131lar (\u00f6rne\u011fin Almanya) i\u00e7in bir reform alan\u0131 a\u00e7acakt\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Georges Sorel\u2019in \u201cmit\u201d kuram\u0131ndan derinlemesine etkilenen Schmitt, en g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc mitin \u201cmillet\u201d (ulus) miti oldu\u011fu sonucuna varm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Ona g\u00f6re Benito Mussolini, demokrasiyi ve parlamentarizmi y\u0131karak bu mitin y\u0131k\u0131c\u0131\/kurucu g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fc en \u00e7arp\u0131c\u0131 \u015fekilde g\u00f6steren devlet adam\u0131d\u0131r. Dahas\u0131, Mussolini, sosyalizmi \u201cdaha a\u015fa\u011f\u0131 derecede\u201d bir mitolojiye indirgemi\u015f; \u201csiyasetin ger\u00e7ekli\u011fini\u201d yeniden ortaya koymay\u0131 ba\u015farm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Yaln\u0131zca bu k\u0131sac\u0131k metin bile, Schmitt\u2019in meselesinin basit bir \u201cmilliyet\u00e7ilik\u201d meselesi olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 anlamam\u0131za yetiyor. \u00d6yle olsayd\u0131, yaln\u0131zca klasik muhafazak\u00e2rl\u0131\u011f\u0131n, yani ulusun (Alman ulusunun) \u00f6nceli\u011fini savunan \u00e7izgisinde kal\u0131rd\u0131. Burada tart\u0131\u015f\u0131lan \u015fey, bir yandan mit kuram\u0131n\u0131n, parlamenter d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncenin g\u00f6rece \u201culusalc\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131\u201dn\u0131n ge\u00e7erlili\u011fini kaybetti\u011fini g\u00f6steren daha g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc bir ger\u00e7eklik tecr\u00fcbesi \u015feklinde okunmas\u0131d\u0131r; \u00f6te yandan, \u201csiyasi ilke\u201dnin ifadesi olan bu ger\u00e7eklik, tam da Schmitt\u2019in \u201cdevrimci-muhafazak\u00e2r\u201d perspektifine uygun \u015fekilde, Devlet\u2019in yenilenmesine katk\u0131da bulunabilecek potansiyeldir. Yani belli bir birim (topluluk) i\u00e7in varolu\u015fsal a\u00e7\u0131dan hayat\u00ee olan Devlet\u2019in \u201c\u00f6z\u00fcn\u00fc\u201d ve \u201c\u00f6zg\u00fcll\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc\u201d yeniden canland\u0131rman\u0131n m\u00fcmk\u00fcn oldu\u011funu s\u00f6yler.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Schmitt\u2019e g\u00f6re, Devlet\u2019in bu yenilenmesi, 1922 tarihli Siyasal Teoloji<\/em> (Theologie Politica) eserinde de belirtti\u011fi gibi, \u201cola\u011fan\u00fcst\u00fc h\u00e2lde\u201d<\/em> karar verme tekeline sahip \u201cegemenlik\u201d <\/em>kavram\u0131na dayanmal\u0131d\u0131r. Yani bir siyasal birimin (devletin) somut varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 tehlikeye atan her andaki son karar\u0131 verebilme g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fc elinde tutan bir egemenlik\u2026<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Schmitt, fa\u015fizmin kendisini \u2013bir siyasi-sosyal hareket olarak de\u011fil, Devlet\u2019in i\u00e7indeki i\u015flevi ba\u011flam\u0131nda\u2013 \u201cDevletin ve ulusal birli\u011fin itibar\u0131n\u0131 koruma\/yeniden canland\u0131rma\u201d<\/em> \u00e7abas\u0131 \u00fczerinden de\u011ferlendirmeye tabii tutmu\u015ftur: ekonomik \u00e7\u0131karlara dayal\u0131 \u00e7o\u011fulculu\u011fa tepki, soyut \u201csiyasetsizle\u015ftirmeye\u201d <\/em>kar\u015f\u0131 bir direni\u015f ve Devlet\u2019e ait olabilecek her \u015feyin tamamen \u00f6zelle\u015ftirilmesine yol a\u00e7abilecek bir gidi\u015fata kar\u015f\u0131 Devlet\u2019in \u00fcst\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fcn yeniden tesis edilmesi\u2026 Bu ba\u011flamda, fa\u015fizm Devlet\u2019in yenilenmesine, yani \u201cdevrimci\u201d olarak niteledi\u011fi bir \u00e7abayla \u2013ki Schmitt a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan \u201cdevrimcilik\u201d,<\/em> basit progresist (ilerlemeci) bir devrim anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131ndan \u00e7ok farkl\u0131 bir anlam ta\u015f\u0131r\u2013 Devlet\u2019in bir kez daha \u201cDevlet\u201d<\/em> (yani halk\u0131n siyasal birli\u011fi) olabilmesine hizmet etmi\u015ftir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Kan\u0131mca Schmitt, bu noktada Muhafazak\u00e2r Devrim olgusunun karma\u015f\u0131k dokusuna keskin ve derin bir bak\u0131\u015f sunar. Bu t\u00fcr yeni bir muhafazak\u00e2rl\u0131k in\u015fa ederken Schmitt, \u201c\u00f6z\u00fc\u201d <\/em>de\u011fi\u015ftirebilecek bir \u015feyin varl\u0131\u011f\u0131na asla inanmam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Daha ziyade, \u201cilerlemecilik\u201d <\/em>d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesindeki gibi, \u201cyava\u015f evrim\u201d<\/em> s\u00fcrecini h\u0131zland\u0131ran bir ge\u00e7i\u015f a\u015famas\u0131 olarak anla\u015f\u0131lan devrimci bir hareket sayesinde, bir siyasal birimin \u201chayat\u0131n\u0131\u201d engelleyebilecek fazlal\u0131klar\u0131 kesip atman\u0131n m\u00fcmk\u00fcn oldu\u011funu ileri s\u00fcrm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ba\u015flang\u0131\u00e7ta \u2013\u00e7ok k\u0131sa bir s\u00fcre i\u00e7in de olsa\u2013 Schmitt, bu \u201cya\u015famsal enerjiyi\u201d Nazi Partisi\u2019nin ve Hareketi\u2019nin karar mekanizmalar\u0131nda tan\u0131mak istemi\u015ftir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Muhafazak\u00e2r Devrim ba\u011flam\u0131nda, Heidegger\u2019in varl\u0131k felsefesi, J\u00fcnger\u2019in modernite ele\u015ftirisi ve Schmitt\u2019in siyaset kuram\u0131 nas\u0131l bir \u201cb\u00fct\u00fcn\u201d olu\u015fturuyor?<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bence bu \u00fc\u00e7\u00fc bir b\u00fct\u00fcn olu\u015fturmaz. Bunu da az \u00f6nce belirtti\u011fim nedenlere dayand\u0131r\u0131yorum. Ernst Nolte, \u00e7ok da yeni olmayan ancak geni\u015f dola\u015f\u0131ma girmedi\u011fi i\u00e7in fazla tan\u0131nmayan Heidegger ve Muhafazak\u00e2r Devrim<\/em> adl\u0131 eserinde, 20. y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n ilk yirmi y\u0131l\u0131nda Almanya\u2019daki sa\u011f d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce ak\u0131mlar\u0131n\u0131 Muhafazak\u00e2r Devrim ba\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131 alt\u0131nda incelemek amac\u0131yla baz\u0131 parametreler belirler. Nolte\u2019ye g\u00f6re, \u201c1914\u2019ten \u00f6nce bile, devrimci-muhafazak\u00e2r (rivoluzionario-conservatore) olarak adland\u0131r\u0131labilecek ve hen\u00fcz sadece az\u0131nl\u0131k gruplara \u00f6zg\u00fc e\u011filimler \u015feklinde beliren \u00fc\u00e7 temel \u00f6zellik ay\u0131rt edilebiliyordu: 1) Marksizm kar\u015f\u0131tl\u0131\u011f\u0131, ama onun kavram ve yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131ndan yararlanma iste\u011fi; 2) yaln\u0131zca liberalizmi de\u011fil, klasik muhafazak\u00e2rl\u0131\u011f\u0131 da sorgulayan k\u00f6kl\u00fc bir uygarl\u0131k ele\u015ftirisi; 3) \u2018evrensel bar\u0131\u015f\u2019 hayallerinde, devletlerin varl\u0131\u011f\u0131na ve insan\u0131n b\u00fcy\u00fck fedak\u00e2rl\u0131k ruhuna bir tehdit g\u00f6ren bir t\u00fcr militarizm.<\/em>\u201d (Ernst Nolte, Heidegger e la rivoluzione conservatrice<\/em>, Milano, Sugarco Edizioni, 1997, s. 30).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bu \u015femaya dair ele\u015ftiriler yap\u0131labilir, ancak yine de Schmitt ve di\u011fer baz\u0131 yazarlar\u0131 (\u00f6rne\u011fin Spengler, Moeller van den Bruck, J\u00fcnger karde\u015fler, Freyer, Niekisch ve hatta Heidegger\u2019i) kabaca belli bir \u00e7er\u00e7evede s\u0131nayabilmek ve etkile\u015fimlerini g\u00f6rmek a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan kullan\u0131\u015fl\u0131d\u0131r. Bu isimlerin t\u00fcm\u00fc, \u201csa\u011f\u0131n\u201d (Hegelci anlamda \u201csa\u011f\u0131n\u201d)<\/em> bir devrimini arzuluyorlard\u0131; b\u00f6ylece siyaset ve Devlet, ekonomi ve piyasa kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda yeniden \u00fcst\u00fcnl\u00fck kurabilsin. Bu tabii ki b\u00fcy\u00fck bir basitle\u015ftirmedir; ama sonu\u00e7ta, Devlet kuram\u0131nda ve liberalizm kar\u015f\u0131tl\u0131\u011f\u0131nda ortak bir zemin oldu\u011funu, antropoloji alan\u0131nda da Joseph de Maistre, Louis de Bonald, Antoine de Rivarol, F\u00e9licit\u00e9 de Lamennais ve Edmund Burke gibi d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcrlerin uzand\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00e7izgiyle (yani tam manas\u0131yla \u201ckar\u015f\u0131devrimci\u201d literat\u00fcrle) beslendiklerini g\u00f6stermek i\u00e7in yeterli. Bu d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce silsilesi, bir\u00e7ok 19. y\u00fczy\u0131l sonu ve 20. y\u00fczy\u0131l ba\u015f\u0131 Alman yazar\u0131n\u0131 k\u00fclt\u00fcrel ve kuramsal a\u00e7\u0131dan bi\u00e7imlendirmi\u015ftir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

O h\u00e2lde, Muhafazak\u00e2r Devrim\u2019in bir par\u00e7as\u0131 olarak d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnebilece\u011fimiz ki\u015filer, \u00f6rne\u011fin Nolte\u2019nin tan\u0131mlad\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u015fu \u00fc\u00e7 temel bile\u015fenden (ya hepsinden ya da en az birinden) pay alan, ama klasik muhafazak\u00e2r partilerin ya da d\u00f6nemin birbirine d\u00fc\u015fman iki kutbu olan kom\u00fcnist veya nasyonal sosyalist partilerin saflar\u0131nda yer almayan kimselerdir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bu tabloda Heidegger ve J\u00fcnger birbirlerinden farkl\u0131 ve farkl\u0131 derecelerde \u00f6nemli roller oynar. Heidegger\u2019in 1933\u2019teki Rekt\u00f6rl\u00fck S\u00f6ylevi (Rekt\u00f6rl\u00fck Konu\u015fmas\u0131), her metafizik giri\u015fimde sakl\u0131 olan totalle\u015ftirme e\u011filimini su y\u00fcz\u00fcne \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131r: Varl\u0131k, Heidegger\u2019in d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc anlamda, kendi ba\u015f\u0131na \u201cp\u00f3lemos\u201d<\/em>tur, hatta sadece \u201cp\u00f3lemos olarak\u201d<\/em> da de\u011fil; bizzat \u201cp\u00f3lemos\u201d <\/em>olmakla birlikte, ayn\u0131 zamanda (tarihsel olarak da) kendisini belirli (siyasal) bi\u00e7imler i\u00e7inde if\u015fa eder. Bunlar, \u201chalihaz\u0131rda var olan \u015feyin \u2018oldu\u011fu gibi\u2019 tamamlan\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131\u201d \u00fcstlenerek bu varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n \u201c\u00f6z\u201d\u00fcn\u00fc eyleme d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrd\u00fcklerini savunurlar. Ama pratik siyasi boyut a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan bak\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, Heidegger\u2019in tutumu pek i\u015flevsel olmam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. F\u00fchrer\u2019in F\u00fchrer\u2019i olmaya kalkan filozofun kendi deneyimi, bunun a\u00e7\u0131k bir kan\u0131t\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

J\u00fcnger\u2019e gelirsek, durum daha karma\u015f\u0131k ve belki de daha ilgi \u00e7ekicidir. Ona g\u00f6re, devrimcinin g\u00f6revi, mensup oldu\u011fu bi\u00e7imsel ya\u015fam\u0131n temelinde yer alan etkin de\u011feri koruyup yeniden ortaya \u00e7\u0131karmakt\u0131r; bu de\u011fer, ge\u00e7ici ko\u015fullar alt\u0131nda \u00f6telenmi\u015f, bast\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015f olabilir. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla devrimci asl\u0131nda muhafazak\u00e2rd\u0131r. J\u00fcnger\u2019in, \u201cdevrimci\u201d ve \u201cmuhafazak\u00e2r\u201d\u0131 nas\u0131l uzla\u015ft\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131, Antoine de Rivarol \u00fczerine yazd\u0131\u011f\u0131 sat\u0131rlarda daha belirgindir. Ona g\u00f6re Rivarol, devrim d\u00f6neminde \u201chakiki muhafazay\u0131\u201d ortaya koyan d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcrd\u00fcr. \u201cMuhafazak\u00e2r\u201d kavram\u0131n\u0131n pek de \u201cmutlu\u201d bir icat olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc genellikle \u201cd\u00fcnk\u00fc \u015feylere ba\u011fl\u0131 kalma\u201d anlam\u0131 ta\u015f\u0131d\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 s\u00f6yler J\u00fcnger. Ancak as\u0131l \u00f6nemli olan, \u201cdaima ge\u00e7erli olan\u201d bir \u015feyi bulmak veya yeniden bulmakt\u0131r; bu ise ne \u201cgeriye\u201d gitmekle ne de \u201cileriye\u201d gitmekle ilgili de\u011fildir. Bu, zamans\u0131z (tarih-\u00f6tesi) bir \u015feye y\u00f6nelmektir. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc ancak \u201czamana ba\u011fl\u0131 olmayan\u201d bir ilke ebedi ge\u00e7erlilik ta\u015f\u0131yabilir ve \u201csa\u011fl\u0131kl\u0131 bir d\u00fczen\u201d bunun \u00fczerine kurulabilir. Sonu\u00e7ta, \u201cya\u015fayan, kal\u0131c\u0131 \u015fey\u201d budur ve onu g\u00f6z ard\u0131 etmek, k\u00f6t\u00fc sonu\u00e7lar do\u011furur. (Ernst J\u00fcnger (haz.), Rivarol<\/em>, Stuttgart, 1978, Rivarol. Bir Muhafazak\u00e2r\u0131n Vecizeleri<\/em>, Parma, Guanda, 1992, s. 52-53).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bu bak\u0131\u015fa g\u00f6re muhafazak\u00e2rl\u0131k, \u201cdaima ge\u00e7erli olan\u0131 ya\u015famak\u201dt\u0131r; devrim de asl\u0131nda muhafazak\u00e2rl\u0131kt\u0131r. Ve \u201cdaima ge\u00e7erli\u201d olan\u0131 korumak, kesintisiz bi\u00e7imde devrimcidir. \u0130\u015fte bu J\u00fcnger\u2019ci yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131n, Adolf Hitler\u2019i daima etkiledi\u011fi s\u00f6ylenir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ernst J\u00fcnger ve Carl Schmitt\u2019in ki\u015fisel deneyimleri ve entelekt\u00fcel formasyonlar\u0131 (teknoloji, sava\u015f, egemenlik, siyasi birli\u011fin tesisi, vb. konularda) nas\u0131l kesi\u015fir veya ayr\u0131l\u0131r? \u00d6zellikle I. D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131 sonras\u0131 \u201cyeni bir siyasi d\u00fczen\u201d aray\u0131\u015f\u0131nda, J\u00fcnger\u2019in teknolojik \u00e7a\u011fdaki \u201ci\u015f\u00e7i-tip\u201d (Arbeiter) tasavvuru ile Schmitt\u2019in \u201cegemenlik\u201d (Souver\u00e4nit\u00e4t) ve \u201csiyaset\u201d (das Politische) anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131, Muhafazak\u00e2r Devrim tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131 i\u00e7erisinde birbirini nas\u0131l besler veya nas\u0131l \u00e7eli\u015fir?<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ernst J\u00fcnger i\u00e7in I. D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131, varolu\u015fsal ve neredeyse mitik bir tecr\u00fcbeydi. In Stahlgewittern<\/em> (T\u00fcrk\u00e7ede genellikle \u00c7elik F\u0131rt\u0131nalar\u0131<\/em> olarak bilinir) gibi eserlerinde, modern sava\u015f\u0131, bireyi fedak\u00e2rl\u0131k, disiplin ve kahramanl\u0131kla bi\u00e7imlendiren bir g\u00fc\u00e7 olarak kutlad\u0131. J\u00fcnger, \u00f6nce \u201caskerde\u201d (ve devam\u0131nda da Der Arbeiter<\/em> [\u0130\u015f\u00e7i] adl\u0131 1932 tarihli eserindeki \u201ci\u015f\u00e7i\u201d tipinde), teknolojik \u00e7a\u011f\u0131n gereklerini yerine getirmeye muktedir yeni bir insan fig\u00fcr\u00fc g\u00f6r\u00fcyordu. Asl\u0131nda bu fig\u00fcr, yukar\u0131da de\u011findi\u011fimiz \u201cmuhafazak\u00e2r\u201d idealin farkl\u0131 kal\u0131plar alt\u0131nda dile getirili\u015fi say\u0131labilir. Carl Schmitt ise do\u011frudan sava\u015f\u0131n i\u00e7erisinde bulunmam\u0131\u015f olsa da I. D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131\u2019n\u0131, liberal devletin ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131 krizin ve egemenli\u011fin yeniden teyit edilmesi i\u00e7in bir laboratuvar olarak de\u011ferlendirdi. Der Begriff des Politischen<\/em> (Siyaset Kavram\u0131) adl\u0131 eserinde, Schmitt siyasal olan\u0131 (das Politische), \u201cdost\u201d ve \u201cd\u00fc\u015fman\u201d ayr\u0131m\u0131 yapabilme yetene\u011fiyle tan\u0131mlad\u0131; bu da asl\u0131nda sava\u015f\u0131n \u015fiddetli \u00e7at\u0131\u015fma ortam\u0131ndan yola \u00e7\u0131karak siyasetin kurucu ilkesi olarak g\u00f6r\u00fclmesini yans\u0131t\u0131yordu.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u0130kisi de liberalizme y\u00f6nelik radikal bir ele\u015ftiriye sahipti ve liberalizmin, istikrarl\u0131 bir d\u00fczen kurma veya modern d\u00fcnyan\u0131n zorluklar\u0131na cevap verme konusunda yetersiz kald\u0131\u011f\u0131na inan\u0131yorlard\u0131. J\u00fcnger i\u00e7in liberalizm, art\u0131k \u201cteknik\u201din anonim ve impersonal g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fcn h\u00e2kim oldu\u011fu bir \u00e7a\u011fda geride kalm\u0131\u015f bir d\u00f6nemdi ve ona g\u00f6re toplumun tam bir \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmesi gerekiyordu; i\u015fte bu \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmenin oda\u011f\u0131nda \u201ci\u015f\u00e7i\u201d fig\u00fcr\u00fc yer alacakt\u0131. Schmitt i\u00e7in de liberalizm, uzla\u015fma ve \u00e7o\u011fulculuk e\u011filimleri y\u00fcz\u00fcnden, siyasal birli\u011fin devam\u0131n\u0131 sa\u011flayacak yetkin bir otorite \u00fcretememi\u015fti. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla bu iki d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcr, I. D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131 sonras\u0131 d\u00fcnyada yeni bir d\u00fczen gereklili\u011fi konusunda \u00f6rt\u00fc\u015f\u00fcyorlard\u0131. Fakat J\u00fcnger, bu yeni d\u00fczenin kolektivist ve teknik-\u00f6rg\u00fct\u00e7\u00fc bir yap\u0131 \u00fczerinden ger\u00e7ekle\u015fece\u011fini savunurken; Schmitt, merkezi otorite ve egemenlik temelinde in\u015fa edilecek bir siyasi b\u00fct\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc savunuyordu.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ku\u015fkusuz her ikisi de bir \u201cyeni d\u00fczen\u201din ko\u015fullar\u0131n\u0131 tart\u0131\u015f\u0131rken, farkl\u0131 \u00f6ncelikler ve bak\u0131\u015f a\u00e7\u0131lar\u0131 getiriyorlard\u0131: J\u00fcnger daha \u00e7ok \u201ci\u015f\u00e7i-tip\u201din kolektif otoritesine ve teknolojinin \u00f6rg\u00fctleyici g\u00fcc\u00fcne odaklan\u0131r; Schmitt ise egemenlik ve karar verme kudretine\u2026 Bu farkl\u0131l\u0131k, aralar\u0131nda baz\u0131 gerilimlerin ortaya \u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131na da yol a\u00e7m\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Sonu\u00e7ta, Muhafazak\u00e2r Devrim i\u00e7inde, ortak bir \u201cmodernite krizi\u201d te\u015fhisi olsa da \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcme dair yakla\u015f\u0131mlar, ak\u0131m\u0131n heterojen yap\u0131s\u0131n\u0131n bir yans\u0131mas\u0131 olarak farkl\u0131la\u015fm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Oswald Spengler ve Carl Schmitt aras\u0131ndaki etkile\u015fim ve diyalog, \u00f6zellikle \u201ctarihin sonu\u201d temas\u0131 ve devlet kuram\u0131 ba\u011flam\u0131nda, Muhafazak\u00e2r Devrim ideolojisinin olu\u015fumunu nas\u0131l etkiledi? Bu etkinin entelekt\u00fcel \u00e7evredeki yans\u0131malar\u0131 veya tetikledi\u011fi tart\u0131\u015fmalar nelerdi?<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Spengler ve Schmitt aras\u0131ndaki \u201cdiyalog\u201d, yak\u0131n bir etkile\u015fim bi\u00e7iminde olmasa da, eserler arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla birbirlerini etkilemeleri \u015feklinde geli\u015fmi\u015ftir. \u0130kisi de moderniteyi ve Bat\u0131\u2019n\u0131n gelece\u011fini karamsar bir bak\u0131\u015fla ele\u015ftirir; ancak Spengler k\u00fclt\u00fcrel \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015fe ve karizmatik \u201cSezar\u201d tipindeki bir lidere d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f ihtiyac\u0131na odaklan\u0131rken, Schmitt kriz h\u00e2lindeki demokrasiye kar\u015f\u0131n istikrarl\u0131 bir d\u00fczen in\u015fa edebilecek olan egemen iktidar\u0131n gerekli oldu\u011funa vurgu yapar.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bu bak\u0131mdan, Spengler\u2019in k\u00fclt\u00fcrel pesimizmi ile Schmitt\u2019in siyasal ve hukuksal otoriteye dair g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fleri birbirini b\u00fct\u00fcnler. \u0130kisi de liberalizm, demokrasi ve sosyalizm kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda ele\u015ftirel bir tav\u0131r geli\u015ftirir, ancak ortak bir ideolojiye varmazlar. Yine de Muhafazak\u00e2r Devrim i\u00e7indeki tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n kuramsal \u00e7e\u015fitlili\u011fini sa\u011flamla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131rlar. B\u00f6ylece liberalizme, demokrasinin ilerlemeci tarih anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131na ve toplumsal d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcmlere y\u00f6nelik ortak bir muhalefet cephesinin kurulmas\u0131na yard\u0131mc\u0131 olurlar.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bu etkile\u015fim sayesinde, s\u00f6z konusu hareket d\u00e2hilindeki yazarlar, sadece \u201cliberalizmin \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f\u00fc\u201d veya \u201cBat\u0131\u2019n\u0131n \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f\u00fc\u201d (Spengler\u2019in Der Untergang des Abendlandes\u2019inde i\u015fledi\u011fi tema) gibi kavramlar\u0131 ele almad\u0131lar; ayn\u0131 zamanda Schmitt\u2019in ortaya koydu\u011fu \u201ckarar alma g\u00fcc\u00fc\u201d,<\/em> \u201cegemenlik\u201d<\/em> ve \u201cdost-d\u00fc\u015fman ayr\u0131m\u0131\u201d <\/em>gibi siyaset kuram\u0131 unsurlar\u0131ndan da yararland\u0131lar. Bu da Muhafazak\u00e2r Devrim\u2019i, sadece nostaljik bir geriye d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f hareketi olmaktan \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131p, modern durumun (teknoloji, kitle toplumu, vs.) do\u011furdu\u011fu yeni sorunlara kar\u015f\u0131 geli\u015ftirilmi\u015f ele\u015ftirel bir \u00e7er\u00e7eve h\u00e2line getirdi.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

B\u00fct\u00fcn bu tart\u0131\u015fmalar, d\u00f6nemin entelekt\u00fcel \u00e7evresinde b\u00fcy\u00fck yank\u0131 buldu; \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc Weimar Almanyas\u0131, derin bir kriz d\u00f6neminden ge\u00e7iyordu ve hem toplumsal hem de siyasal d\u00fczeyde k\u00f6kl\u00fc sorgulamalar g\u00fcndemdeydi.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bug\u00fcn liberal demokrasilerin ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131 krizler \u0131\u015f\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, \u201cmuhafazak\u00e2r devrimcilik\u201d yeniden canlanabilir mi?<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bu konuda k\u0131sa ve net s\u00f6yleyece\u011fim: Tarihin tekerr\u00fcr\u00fcne inanm\u0131yorum. Tarih, Eraclito\u2019nun (Herakleitos) \u00fcnl\u00fc s\u00f6z\u00fcndeki gibidir: \u201cAyn\u0131 nehirde iki kez y\u0131kanamazs\u0131n\u0131z.\u201d<\/em> Her seferinde, insan\u0131n eylemini belirleyen ko\u015fullar farkl\u0131d\u0131r ve benzer sonu\u00e7lar bile asla tam olarak ayn\u0131 de\u011fildir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u0130nsanl\u0131k tarihi, do\u011fa yasalar\u0131 gibi zorunlu d\u00f6ng\u00fclerle y\u00f6netilmez. Tarihsel olaylar, s\u00fcrekli etkile\u015fim h\u00e2lindeki \u00e7ok say\u0131da \u00f6zg\u00fcl fakt\u00f6r\u00fcn \u2013rastlant\u0131lar, bireysel kararlar, k\u00fclt\u00fcrel d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcmler, teknolojik yenilikler vb.\u2013 sonucudur. Her d\u00f6nem, bir daha yinelenemeyecek nitelikteki ko\u015fullarca belirlenir. \u00d6rne\u011fin, ge\u00e7mi\u015fteki iktisadi krizlere bug\u00fcnk\u00fclerle k\u0131yasla benzer diyoruz, ama bu benzerlik, tarihsel s\u00fcre\u00e7lerin ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz bi\u00e7imde tekrarlanmas\u0131ndan de\u011fil, ekonomik ve toplumsal mekanizmalar\u0131n benzer bir mant\u0131kla i\u015fleyip benzer etkiler yaratmas\u0131ndan ileri gelir. Bununla birlikte, teknolojiler, kurumlar ve toplumsal tepkiler art\u0131k ayn\u0131 de\u011fildir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Tarihsel s\u00fcre\u00e7lerin her yerde ve her zaman ayn\u0131 bi\u00e7imde tekrarlanabilece\u011fi varsay\u0131m\u0131, farkl\u0131 k\u00fclt\u00fcrleri ve co\u011frafyalar\u0131 \u015fekillendiren \u00f6zg\u00fcnl\u00fckleri yok sayar. Farkl\u0131 toplumlar\u0131n k\u00fclt\u00fcrel, dini ve siyasi \u00f6zellikleri birbirinden \u00e7ok farkl\u0131d\u0131r. Modernle\u015fme veya k\u00fcreselle\u015fme gibi k\u00fcresel g\u00f6r\u00fcnen olgular bile, her yerde farkl\u0131 bi\u00e7imler al\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla, g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde (I. D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131\u2019n\u0131n sonundan itibaren g\u00fcndeme gelen) liberal d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncenin (geri d\u00f6n\u00fclmez) \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f\u00fc tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n\u0131n yeniden ortaya \u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131, mutlaka eski \u201cmuhafazak\u00e2r devrimcilik\u201d fikrinin bir versiyonunun geri gelece\u011fi anlam\u0131na gelmez. Bu konudaki g\u00fcncel fenomenleri, g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcz\u00fcn kategorileri ve yakla\u015f\u0131mlar\u0131yla ele almak gerekir. Bu nedenle, \u201cMuhafazak\u00e2r Devrim 4.0\u201d gibi bir \u015feyin g\u00fcndeme gelmesi bana pek olas\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fcnm\u00fcyor.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Gianluca Giannini’nin Ripensare Carl Schmitt tra i materiali della Rivoluzione Conservatrice, O.M. Gnerre’nin Materiali kitab\u0131ndaki makalesi bu ba\u011flamda ilgimi \u00e7ekti. Carl Schmitt ve fikirleri g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde h\u00e2l\u00e2 tart\u0131\u015f\u0131lmaya devam ediyor. Bir muhafazak\u00e2r devrimci olarak Schmitt’in bu y\u00f6n\u00fc, \u00fczerine yap\u0131lan tart\u0131\u015fmalarda genellikle ihmal ediliyor. \u201cMuhafazak\u00e2r devrimcilik\u201d kavram\u0131ndan bahsedildi\u011finde, bu iki terimi uzla\u015ft\u0131rmakta g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fck \u00e7ekilir. “muhafazak\u00e2r devrimcilik\u201d nedir?… Continue reading →<\/span><\/a><\/span><\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":2105,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_jetpack_memberships_contains_paid_content":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[58,1],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-2085","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-gorus","category-roportajlar"],"yoast_head":"\nGianluca Giannini: Carl Schmitt, ger\u00e7ek bir muhafazak\u00e2r devrimciydi - Eren Ye\u015filyurt<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/erenyesilyurt.com\/index.php\/2025\/01\/27\/gianluca-giannini-carl-schmitt-gercek-bir-muhafazakar-devrimciydi\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Gianluca Giannini: Carl Schmitt, ger\u00e7ek bir muhafazak\u00e2r devrimciydi - Eren Ye\u015filyurt\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"Gianluca Giannini’nin Ripensare Carl Schmitt tra i materiali della Rivoluzione Conservatrice, O.M. Gnerre’nin Materiali kitab\u0131ndaki makalesi bu ba\u011flamda ilgimi \u00e7ekti. Carl Schmitt ve fikirleri g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde h\u00e2l\u00e2 tart\u0131\u015f\u0131lmaya devam ediyor. Bir muhafazak\u00e2r devrimci olarak Schmitt’in bu y\u00f6n\u00fc, \u00fczerine yap\u0131lan tart\u0131\u015fmalarda genellikle ihmal ediliyor. \u201cMuhafazak\u00e2r devrimcilik\u201d kavram\u0131ndan bahsedildi\u011finde, bu iki terimi uzla\u015ft\u0131rmakta g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fck \u00e7ekilir. “muhafazak\u00e2r devrimcilik\u201d nedir?... 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Gnerre’nin Materiali kitab\u0131ndaki makalesi bu ba\u011flamda ilgimi \u00e7ekti. Carl Schmitt ve fikirleri g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde h\u00e2l\u00e2 tart\u0131\u015f\u0131lmaya devam ediyor. Bir muhafazak\u00e2r devrimci olarak Schmitt’in bu y\u00f6n\u00fc, \u00fczerine yap\u0131lan tart\u0131\u015fmalarda genellikle ihmal ediliyor. \u201cMuhafazak\u00e2r devrimcilik\u201d kavram\u0131ndan bahsedildi\u011finde, bu iki terimi uzla\u015ft\u0131rmakta g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fck \u00e7ekilir. “muhafazak\u00e2r devrimcilik\u201d nedir?... 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