{"id":2154,"date":"2025-02-15T23:20:48","date_gmt":"2025-02-15T20:20:48","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/erenyesilyurt.com\/?p=2154"},"modified":"2025-02-17T00:21:38","modified_gmt":"2025-02-16T21:21:38","slug":"roger-griffin-uzerinde-durmamiz-gereken-esas-mucadele-otokrasi-ile-demokrasi-ve-liberal-demokrasi-ile-illiberal-demokrasi-arasindaki-kuresel-cekismedir","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/erenyesilyurt.com\/index.php\/2025\/02\/15\/roger-griffin-uzerinde-durmamiz-gereken-esas-mucadele-otokrasi-ile-demokrasi-ve-liberal-demokrasi-ile-illiberal-demokrasi-arasindaki-kuresel-cekismedir\/","title":{"rendered":"Roger Griffin: \u00dczerinde durmam\u0131z gereken esas m\u00fccadele, otokrasi ile demokrasi ve liberal demokrasi ile illiberal demokrasi aras\u0131ndaki k\u00fcresel \u00e7eki\u015fmedir"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

Roger Griffin, d\u00fcnyan\u0131n \u00f6nde gelen fa\u015fizm uzmanlar\u0131ndan biridir. T\u00fcrk\u00e7e’ye Fa\u015fizmin Do\u011fas\u0131<\/em> <\/a> adl\u0131 kitab\u0131 \u00e7evrildi. Kendisiyle fa\u015fizm, muhafazak\u00e2r devrimcilik ve Ernst Nolte \u00fczerine bir s\u00f6yle\u015fi ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirdik. Benim i\u00e7in en \u00f6nemli ve \u00f6\u011fretici r\u00f6portajlardan birisi oldu.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Son on y\u0131lda pop\u00fclizm kavram\u0131 b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00f6nem kazand\u0131, oysa fa\u015fizm kavram\u0131 giderek daha az kullan\u0131l\u0131yor. G\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcz\u00fcn a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 sa\u011f hareketlerini ne \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde fa\u015fist ya da proto-fa\u015fist olarak g\u00f6rebiliriz?<\/strong><\/em><\/p>\n\n\n

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Bunun yan\u0131t\u0131 tamamen fa\u015fizmi nas\u0131l tan\u0131mlad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131za ba\u011fl\u0131d\u0131r. Bu konuda nesnel bir cevap yoktur. E\u011fer Marksistseniz, fa\u015fizmin kapitalizmin bir \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fc oldu\u011funu ve b\u00fcy\u00fck sermayenin ve muhafazak\u00e2rlar\u0131n deste\u011fini alan, yabanc\u0131 d\u00fc\u015fmanl\u0131\u011f\u0131, milliyet\u00e7ilik vb. gibi unsurlar\u0131 savunan her sa\u011fc\u0131 diktat\u00f6r\u00fcn ya da ba\u015fbakan\u0131n bir t\u00fcr fa\u015fist oldu\u011funu d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcrs\u00fcn\u00fcz. E\u011fer Marksist de\u011filseniz, kavram\u0131 nas\u0131l kulland\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131zla ilgili bir\u00e7ok problem ortaya \u00e7\u0131kar. Ben, insan bilimlerinde \u201cnesnel olarak do\u011fru\u201d olmayan, ancak bir t\u00fcr y\u00f6ntemsel ara\u00e7 olan bir \u201cideal tip\u201d olarak tan\u0131mlanan, belirli bir teknik fa\u015fizm kullan\u0131m\u0131n\u0131 temsil ediyorum. Kar\u015f\u0131la\u015ft\u0131rmal\u0131 fa\u015fizm \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131 uluslararas\u0131 akademik disiplininde, fa\u015fizmin art\u0131k \u201cdevrimci bir milliyet\u00e7ilik\u201d bi\u00e7imi olarak g\u00f6r\u00fcld\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc ve bu milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fin uzun vadede demokratik bir sistemde bar\u0131namayaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ifade eden bir yakla\u015f\u0131m egemendir. Fa\u015fist bir liderin, hedefledi\u011fi vizyonu ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirmek i\u00e7in eninde sonunda bir temsil\u00ee demokrasinin anayasas\u0131n\u0131 ve kurumlar\u0131n\u0131 ortadan kald\u0131r\u0131p totaliter bir \u201cyeni d\u00fczen\u201d kurmas\u0131 gerekir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bu \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fctlerle bak\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, yozla\u015fm\u0131\u015f bir demokrasi, hatta sa\u011fc\u0131 bir demokrasi bile, h\u00e2l\u00e2 fa\u015fist de\u011fildir; \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc i\u00e7erisinde, bir fa\u015fist devletin y\u00f6netimiyle ve onun her alanda yenilenme ve yeniden do\u011fu\u015fu hedefleyen totalle\u015ftirici anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131yla ba\u011fda\u015fmayan kurumlar ve \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fckler mevcuttur. Bunun tarihsel \u00f6rneklerini g\u00f6rmek i\u00e7in, Ocak 1925\u2019e kadar Ba\u015fbakan ve devlet ba\u015fkan\u0131 olan Mussolini ile Ocak 1925\u2019ten sonra \u201cil Duce\u201d stat\u00fcs\u00fcyle tam diktat\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011fe ge\u00e7en Mussolini aras\u0131ndaki farka bak\u0131n. Ya da Ocak-\u015eubat 1933\u2019te \u015eans\u00f6lye olan Hitler ile Reichstag Yang\u0131n\u0131 ve Yetki Yasas\u0131 sonras\u0131nda muhalefet partilerini yok edip anayasay\u0131 de\u011fi\u015ftirerek \u00f6m\u00fcr boyu diktat\u00f6rl\u00fck kuran \u201cF\u00fchrer\u201d Hitler aras\u0131ndaki farka bak\u0131n. Bu s\u00fcre\u00e7te g\u00fc\u00e7ler ayr\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve denetleme mekanizmalar\u0131 ortadan kalkm\u0131\u015f, devlet \u015fiddeti, gizli polis, i\u015fkence yayg\u0131nla\u015fm\u0131\u015f, \u00e7o\u011fulculuk sona ermi\u015f, t\u00fcm liberal \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fckler yok edilmi\u015f ve devlet cinayetini ve ter\u00f6r\u00fc me\u015frula\u015ft\u0131ran yeni bir hukuk d\u00fczeni kurulmu\u015ftur. \u0130\u015fte bu y\u00fczden, benim gibi d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnen kuramc\u0131lar a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan fa\u015fizm ile sa\u011f pop\u00fclizm aras\u0131nda b\u00fcy\u00fck bir ayr\u0131m vard\u0131r. Bug\u00fcn \u201csa\u011f pop\u00fclizm\u201d dedi\u011fimiz \u015fey, asl\u0131nda \u201cilliberal demokrasi\u201d (liberal olmayan demokrasi) olarak daha do\u011fru bir \u015fekilde tan\u0131mlanabilir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Unutulmamal\u0131d\u0131r ki demokrasi, mutlaka liberal olmak zorunda de\u011fildir. Bir demokrasi, s\u00f6m\u00fcrge imparatorlu\u011fu i\u00e7erisinde insanl\u0131\u011fa kar\u015f\u0131 su\u00e7lar i\u015fleyebilir ve kendi toplumunda (yoksullar, kad\u0131nlar, \u00e7ocuklar, e\u015fcinseller vb. gibi) geni\u015f kesimleri ayr\u0131mc\u0131l\u0131\u011fa u\u011fratabilir; fakat bunu anayasal \u00e7er\u00e7evede, demokrasinin i\u015fleyi\u015fi i\u00e7inde yapar. \u0130nsani a\u00e7\u0131dan bak\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda canl\u0131 bir \u00f6rnek g\u00f6rmek istiyorsan\u0131z Trump\u2019a de\u011fil, Netanyahu\u2019ya bak\u0131n. Netanyahu, me\u015fru bi\u00e7imde se\u00e7ilmi\u015f bir koalisyon h\u00fck\u00fcmetinin ba\u015f\u0131nda se\u00e7ilmi\u015f bir devlet lideridir. T\u00fcm muhalefet partilerini yok etmedi, muhaliflerini toplama kamplar\u0131na t\u0131kmad\u0131. Buna ihtiya\u00e7 duymuyor. Yarg\u0131y\u0131 b\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fcyle tekeline almad\u0131 veya liberal \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fckleri tamamen kald\u0131rmad\u0131. Gazeteleri kapatmad\u0131. Kud\u00fcs\u2019te h\u00e2l\u00e2 \u00f6zerk kurumlar var. \u00dcniversitelerde g\u00f6rece bir \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck, yay\u0131nc\u0131l\u0131kta ifade \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc gibi imk\u00e2nlar h\u00e2l\u00e2 mevcut; bunlar\u0131 k\u0131s\u0131tlayan esas etmen, \u0130srail\u2019deki \u201cvatansever zihniyet\u201d, yayg\u0131n Filistin kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 kamuoyu ve buna ters d\u00fc\u015fmekten korkma. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla, benim tan\u0131mlad\u0131\u011f\u0131m \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fctlerle bakarsak Netanyahu\u2019ya fa\u015fist ya da bug\u00fcnk\u00fc \u0130srail\u2019e fa\u015fist bir devlet demek yanl\u0131\u015f olur.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Sorunuza d\u00f6nersek, benim ortaya koydu\u011fum bu arg\u00fcmana kat\u0131l\u0131yorsan\u0131z, insanlar fa\u015fizmden neden daha az, pop\u00fclizmden neden daha fazla s\u00f6z ediyor sorusunun yan\u0131t\u0131 \u015fudur: Fa\u015fizm, bir \u201cdevrimci milliyet\u00e7ilik\u201d olarak g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde olduk\u00e7a marjinal bir g\u00fc\u00e7 h\u00e2line gelmi\u015ftir. Y\u00fcz binlerce \u201chayal\u00ee fa\u015fist\u201d veya \u201cfantezi fa\u015fist\u201d sosyal medyada ve internet platformlar\u0131nda mevcut olsa da, ger\u00e7ek d\u00fcnyada sadece k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck neo-Nazi h\u00fccreleri veya \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131 ideologlar bi\u00e7iminde d\u0131\u015fa vurur. Sava\u015ftan bu yana ideolojik fa\u015fistler taraf\u0131ndan i\u015flenen, baz\u0131 \u201cyaln\u0131z kurt\u201d veya tekil sald\u0131rganlar taraf\u0131ndan ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirilmi\u015f \u015fiddet eylemleri olmu\u015ftur; fakat d\u00fcnyan\u0131n her yerinde toplumsal ve siyasal a\u00e7\u0131dan bak\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, ger\u00e7ek fa\u015fistler son derece marjinaldir ve milyonlarca se\u00e7meni mobilize eden sa\u011f pop\u00fclistlerle k\u0131yasland\u0131\u011f\u0131nda \u00e7ok k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck kal\u0131rlar. Neredeyse her demokrasi art\u0131k bir pop\u00fclist partiye sahip. Kimi \u00fclkelerde bunlar \u00e7ok k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fckken, Almanya, \u0130talya, Fransa, Avusturya, Slovakya, Polonya, Macaristan, Hindistan ve \u00f6zellikle bug\u00fcnlerde \u0130srail ve ABD gibi \u00fclkelerde sa\u011f pop\u00fclizm son derece g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc bir siyasal g\u00fc\u00e7 konumuna y\u00fckselmi\u015ftir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bir pop\u00fclist iktidara geldi\u011finde, o \u00fclke fa\u015fist devlete d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fm\u00fc\u015f olmuyor. Mesela Viktor Orb\u00e1n\u2019\u0131n Macaristan\u2019\u0131 h\u00e2l\u00e2 Avrupa Birli\u011fi \u00fcyesi. Macaristan\u2019a gitti\u011finizde h\u00e2l\u00e2 \u201cAvrupai\u201d denebilecek, a\u00e7\u0131k, bireyci bir hayat\u0131n s\u00fcrd\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc; bunun, \u00dc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc Reich Almanyas\u0131\u2019nda veya Fa\u015fist \u0130talya\u2019da tahayy\u00fcl dahi edilemeyece\u011fini g\u00f6r\u00fcrs\u00fcn\u00fcz. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla, kavramlar\u0131n \u00f6zenli kullan\u0131m\u0131na \u00f6nem veren akademisyenler, Modi\u2019nin Hindistan\u2019\u0131 ya da Bolsonaro\u2019nun Brezilya\u2019s\u0131 gibi \u00f6rnekler i\u00e7in fa\u015fizmden de\u011fil, \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131k ve yabanc\u0131 d\u00fc\u015fmanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00fczerinden liberal demokrasinin y\u0131prand\u0131\u011f\u0131, ancak tamamen ortadan kalkmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir y\u00f6netim bi\u00e7iminden bahsederler. Az \u00f6nce belirtti\u011fim gibi, yayg\u0131n kullan\u0131lan terim \u201csa\u011f pop\u00fclizm\u201d olsa da, baz\u0131 uzmanlar bunu etnokrasi veya etno-merkezci milliyet\u00e7ilik, tek-k\u00fclt\u00fcrl\u00fc milliyet\u00e7ilik veya illiberal demokrasi gibi farkl\u0131 kavramlarla tan\u0131mlar. As\u0131l \u00f6nemli olan, pop\u00fclizmin fa\u015fizm olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131d\u0131r; \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc fa\u015fizm devrimcidir, pop\u00fclizm ise insanl\u0131k kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 y\u00f6nde olsa da reformcu bir e\u011filime sahiptir. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde bas\u0131nda ve medyada fa\u015fizm kavram\u0131n\u0131n daha az, pop\u00fclizm kavram\u0131n\u0131n daha \u00e7ok kullan\u0131l\u0131yor olmas\u0131n\u0131n nedeni, fa\u015fizmin art\u0131k marjinalle\u015fmi\u015f olmas\u0131, pop\u00fclizmin ise y\u00fckselmekte olan, giderek daha g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc ve y\u0131k\u0131c\u0131 bir g\u00fc\u00e7 haline gelmesidir. Do\u011frusu, pop\u00fclizm veya illiberal demokrasinin, tam da demokrasiyi ortadan kald\u0131rmadan i\u00e7ten i\u00e7e yozla\u015ft\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131 i\u00e7in, \u015fu anda fa\u015fizmden bile daha tehlikeli bir siyasal olgu oldu\u011funu \u00f6ne s\u00fcr\u00fcyorum.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

G\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcz fa\u015fist veya a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 sa\u011f hareketleri ile 20. y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n fa\u015fist hareketleri aras\u0131ndaki temel farklar nelerdir? Hangi unsurlar varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 koruyor, hangileri de\u011fi\u015fti?<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Birinci D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131 sonras\u0131 d\u00f6nemde (1918-1939) Bat\u0131 uygarl\u0131\u011f\u0131 genel bir kriz i\u00e7indeydi. Y\u0131k\u0131c\u0131 etkileri olan Birinci D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131\u2019n\u0131n hemen ard\u0131ndan Rus Devrimi\u2019nin patlak vermesiyle Sovyetler Birli\u011fi kuruldu. Bat\u0131\u2019n\u0131n temellerinin sars\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcl\u00fcyordu. Bu sars\u0131c\u0131 olaylar\u0131, 1929 Wall Street \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f\u00fc ve \u00f6zellikle Almanya\u2019y\u0131 derinden etkileyen bir d\u00fcnya ekonomik bunal\u0131m\u0131 izledi. Bu durum, sadece kurumsal krizlere, kitlesel i\u015fsizli\u011fe ve toplumsal huzursuzlu\u011fa yol a\u00e7makla kalmad\u0131; ayn\u0131 zamanda Bat\u0131 uygarl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n topyek\u00fbn \u00e7\u00f6kt\u00fc\u011f\u00fc hissiyat\u0131n\u0131 da do\u011furdu. \u0130\u015fte bu \u201cBat\u0131\u2019n\u0131n \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f\u00fc\u201d alg\u0131s\u0131, Nazizmin y\u00fckseli\u015fi ve di\u011fer devrimci milliyet\u00e7i hareketlerin yay\u0131lmas\u0131 i\u00e7in gereken zemini haz\u0131rlad\u0131.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bug\u00fcn nesnel olarak bak\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda Bat\u0131 uygarl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n yap\u0131sal olarak o d\u00f6neme k\u0131yasla daha zay\u0131f olmas\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131n, genel kamuoyunda Bat\u0131\u2019n\u0131n sonunun yakla\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 y\u00f6n\u00fcnde bir alg\u0131 olu\u015fmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 i\u00e7in, ne g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc bir sol devrimci hareketin ne de g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc bir sa\u011f devrimci hareketin toplumsal deste\u011fi bulunuyor. Bat\u0131l\u0131 kom\u00fcnistler art\u0131k modern \u00c7in\u2019i veya Kuzey Kore\u2019yi bir model olarak g\u00f6rm\u00fcyor ve Nazizmin i\u015fledi\u011fi korkun\u00e7 su\u00e7lar ile \u0130kinci D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131\u2019n\u0131n felaketi de Nazizm\u2019in veya radikal fa\u015fizmin me\u015fruiyetini, k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck bir sosyopatik hayalperest az\u0131nl\u0131k hari\u00e7 herkesin g\u00f6z\u00fcnde yok etti. Devrimci \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcmlerin Bat\u0131\u2019n\u0131n sorunlar\u0131na \u00e7are olamayaca\u011f\u0131 yayg\u0131n \u015fekilde kabul g\u00f6rd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc i\u00e7in, \u201c\u00f6zg\u00fcr d\u00fcnya\u201d denilen co\u011frafyadaki t\u00fcm siyasal ve k\u00fclt\u00fcrel enerji b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde anayasal demokrasinin s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131 i\u00e7inde kal\u0131yor. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla, 1930\u2019lardaki fa\u015fizmi besleyen \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131, a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 milliyet\u00e7i enerjiler, art\u0131k sosyalist, liberal ve muhafazak\u00e2r partilerin sa\u011f\u0131nda konumlanan yeni bir politik alana ak\u0131yor. Bu alan\u0131n, liberal olmayan \u00e7e\u015fitli e\u011filim ve de\u011ferleri bar\u0131nd\u0131rmas\u0131 nedeniyle genel olarak \u201csa\u011f pop\u00fclizm\u201d ad\u0131n\u0131 veriyoruz.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00d6rne\u011fin Almanya\u2019y\u0131 ele alal\u0131m. Angela Merkel d\u00f6neminde Almanya bir milyon Suriyeli m\u00fclteciyi kabul ettikten sonra, bundan rahats\u0131z olan milliyet\u00e7ilerin tepkisi bir fa\u015fizm dalgas\u0131 yerine, \u0130slamofobik, \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131 ve yabanc\u0131 d\u00fc\u015fman\u0131 bir s\u00f6yleme sahip yeni bir parti olan Almanya i\u00e7in Alternatif\u2019i (AfD) yaratt\u0131. AfD, demokrasiyi devirmek yerine onu \u201cilliberal\u201d hale getirmeyi \u2013 baz\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131n \u201cOrbanizasyon\u201d dedi\u011fi s\u00fcreci \u2013 savundu. AfD g\u00f6\u00e7 kar\u015f\u0131tl\u0131\u011f\u0131, \u00e7okk\u00fclt\u00fcrl\u00fcl\u00fck kar\u015f\u0131tl\u0131\u011f\u0131, AB kar\u015f\u0131tl\u0131\u011f\u0131, liberalizm kar\u015f\u0131tl\u0131\u011f\u0131 s\u00f6ylemlerini, Almanya ve Almanl\u0131k \u00fczerindeki tehditlerle ilgili tehlikeli mitlerle me\u015frula\u015ft\u0131r\u0131yor. Fakat Almanya\u2019n\u0131n sa\u011f pop\u00fclistlerinde g\u00f6r\u00fclen bu radikalle\u015fme h\u00e2l\u00e2 demokratik d\u00fczen i\u00e7erisinde yer bulabiliyor. Bu, Nazizmin geri geli\u015fi de\u011fildir, AfD\u2019nin neo-Nazi bir kanad\u0131 olsa bile yeni bir olgudur. A\u015f\u0131r\u0131 sa\u011f\u0131n \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131k, milliyet\u00e7ilik ve \u201cde\u011fi\u015fim iste\u011fi\u201d gibi temalar\u0131 bug\u00fcn Bat\u0131\u2019da fa\u015fizm yerine sa\u011f pop\u00fclizme akmaktad\u0131r; b\u00f6ylece fa\u015fizm ufak, marjinal bir g\u00fc\u00e7 h\u00e2line gelmi\u015ftir. Bug\u00fcn h\u00e2l\u00e2 binlerce \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131 hayalperestin zihninde ya\u015famaya devam etse de sadece ufak grup\u00e7uklar veya ara s\u0131ra ter\u00f6rist sald\u0131r\u0131lar bi\u00e7iminde kendini g\u00f6sterir. Bat\u0131 demokrasileri ya da insanc\u0131l, liberal ve sosyalist de\u011ferler i\u00e7in esas tehdit bu de\u011fildir. Bunu teyit eden g\u00f6stergelerden biri, 1930\u2019da SA (Sturmabteilung) saflar\u0131nda 500.000 \u00fcyeye sahip olan Nazizmin aksine, g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde d\u00fcnyan\u0131n herhangi bir yerinde bir fa\u015fist devrim i\u00e7in aktif olarak haz\u0131rl\u0131k yapan fa\u015fist militanlar\u0131n say\u0131s\u0131n\u0131n \u00e7ok az olmas\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

K\u0131sacas\u0131, fa\u015fizm art\u0131k pop\u00fclizm kadar konu\u015fulmuyor; \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc bug\u00fcn liberal demokrasiye as\u0131l tehdidi y\u00f6nelten fa\u015fizm de\u011fil, sa\u011f pop\u00fclizm. Trump\u2019a ya da AfD lideri Alice Weidel\u2019a oy veren insanlar, totaliter bir d\u00fczen ya da tek parti devleti istemiyorlar; ancak anayasay\u0131 koruyarak g\u00f6\u00e7\u00fc durduracak ve \u00fclkelerini \u201cyeniden b\u00fcy\u00fck yapacak\u201d bir h\u00fck\u00fcmet istiyorlar. Bug\u00fcnk\u00fc sa\u011f pop\u00fclizm, fa\u015fizmden esas olarak demokratik d\u00fczeni k\u00f6kten y\u0131kmak yerine o d\u00fczen i\u00e7inde i\u015fleyerek onu yozla\u015ft\u0131rmas\u0131yla ayr\u0131l\u0131yor. Bununla birlikte, fa\u015fizmden miras ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u015fey, insanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u201cbizimkiler\u201d ve \u201c\u00f6tekiler\u201d diye ay\u0131ran, \u201cbizimkileri\u201d tam insan say\u0131p \u201c\u00f6tekilerin\u201d ac\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 umursamayan ve onlar\u0131n haklar\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6rmezden gelen \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131, yabanc\u0131 d\u00fc\u015fman\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce kal\u0131plar\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Post-liberal \u00e7a\u011fda sa\u011f\u0131n siyasi felsefesini daha \u00e7ok hangisi belirleyecek: Milliyet\u00e7ilik mi muhafazak\u00e2rl\u0131k m\u0131? G\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde milliyet\u00e7ilerin muhafazak\u00e2rla\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 m\u0131, yoksa muhafazak\u00e2rlar\u0131n milliyet\u00e7ile\u015fti\u011fini mi g\u00f6zlemliyorsunuz?<\/strong><\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Terminoloji konusunda b\u00fcy\u00fck sorunlar ya\u015f\u0131yoruz. \u201cMuhafazak\u00e2r\u201d derken neyi kastediyoruz? 20. y\u00fczy\u0131ldaki temel g\u00fc\u00e7, geleneksel anlamda, yani de\u011fi\u015fime tepki olarak do\u011fan gerici bir muhafazak\u00e2rl\u0131k de\u011fildi; aksine bazen \u201cdevrimci muhafazak\u00e2rl\u0131k\u201d olarak an\u0131lan, modernle\u015ftirici bir g\u00fc\u00e7t\u00fc. \u00d6rne\u011fin Franco\u2019yu destekleyen muhafazak\u00e2rlar, \u0130spanya\u2019n\u0131n tamamen ayn\u0131 kalmas\u0131n\u0131 istemiyorlard\u0131; kom\u00fcnizmi ve liberalizmi engelleyecek otoriter ve modern bir devlet istiyorlard\u0131. Daha da kafa kar\u0131\u015ft\u0131r\u0131c\u0131 olan, baz\u0131 sava\u015f sonras\u0131 fa\u015fist entelekt\u00fcellerin \u201cMuhafazak\u00e2r Devrim\u201d fikrini savunmas\u0131d\u0131r. Her h\u00e2l\u00fck\u00e2rda, modern muhafazak\u00e2rl\u0131k sadece ge\u00e7mi\u015fi korumay\u0131 de\u011fil, ge\u00e7mi\u015fin de\u011ferlerini savunurken ayn\u0131 zamanda belli \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde modernle\u015fmeyi de kabul ediyor.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla ben, \u201cmuhafazak\u00e2r\u201d kelimesini politikay\u0131 analiz ederken \u00e7ok kullan\u0131\u015fl\u0131 bulmuyorum; \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc \u00e7ok belirsiz bir kelime. \u00d6yle ki, liberal partilerden fa\u015fist partilere uzanan geni\u015f bir spektrumun her bir kesiminde kendi i\u00e7inde \u201cmuhafazak\u00e2r\u201d olarak tan\u0131mlanabilecek unsurlar var. Her biri, kendince \u00f6nemli g\u00f6rd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc baz\u0131 \u015feyleri koruma derdinde, ancak bunu eskiye d\u00f6nmeyi de\u011fil ileriye gitmeyi ama\u00e7layarak yap\u0131yor. Il\u0131ml\u0131 demokratlar da, fa\u015fistler de, pop\u00fclistler de, din\u00ee k\u00f6ktenciler de bu anlamda \u201cmuhafazak\u00e2r\u201d diye adland\u0131r\u0131labilir; bu y\u00fczden kavram\u0131n analitik olarak \u00e7ok de\u011feri yok. \u201cPost-liberal \u00e7a\u011f\u201d tabiri de ayn\u0131 \u015fekilde bence pek yararl\u0131 de\u011fil; \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc liberal demokrasi \u00f6lmedi veya yenilmedi; sadece anti-liberal g\u00fc\u00e7ler taraf\u0131ndan ku\u015fat\u0131l\u0131yor. Ben, g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcz demokrasisini \u201cliberal demokratlar\u201d ve \u201cilliberal (liberal olmayan) demokratlar\u201d aras\u0131ndaki bir \u00e7eki\u015fme alan\u0131 olarak g\u00f6rmenizi \u00f6neririm. \u00d6rne\u011fin Britanya\u2019daki \u0130\u015f\u00e7i Partisi veya ABD\u2019deki Demokrat Parti i\u00e7inde en idealist kesimde yer alanlar, liberal demokrasiyi Reform Partisi\u2019nin veya Cumhuriyet\u00e7i Parti\u2019nin illiberalizminden korumaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131yorlar. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla muhafazak\u00e2rl\u0131k ve post-liberalizm tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131ndan ziyade, d\u00fcnyan\u0131n gelece\u011fine hangi k\u00fcresel politik \u00e7arp\u0131\u015fman\u0131n y\u00f6n verece\u011fini tart\u0131\u015fmak daha anlaml\u0131. \u00d6zellikle de sa\u011f pop\u00fclizmin iklim de\u011fi\u015fikli\u011fi ger\u00e7e\u011fini reddetme e\u011filimini d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcrsek, bu tart\u0131\u015fma insanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n gelece\u011fi a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan \u00e7ok daha kritik bir boyut kazan\u0131yor.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

G\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcz durumu, genel olarak sa\u011fl\u0131kl\u0131 ve sa\u011fl\u0131ks\u0131z demokrasi bi\u00e7imleri olarak d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcl\u00fcrse daha yararl\u0131 olur. \u00d6rne\u011fin \u0130srail\u2019deki durum buna iyi bir \u00f6rnek. \u0130srail, Trump d\u00f6nemi ABD\u2019sinden bile daha \u00e7arp\u0131c\u0131 bir bi\u00e7imde, liberal demokrasinin nas\u0131l illiberal bir milliyet\u00e7ilik anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131 taraf\u0131ndan ele ge\u00e7irilebilece\u011finin bir \u00f6rne\u011fini sunuyor. Netanyahu, Nazi tarz\u0131 bir \u201cyeni d\u00fczen\u201d kurmak istiyor denemez. Belki \u00f6zel olarak \u00f6yle bir hayali olsa bile, Yahudi halk\u0131n\u0131n \u00c7ekti\u011fi ac\u0131lar nedeniyle kendini \u00f6yle ifade etmeyecektir. Ama Yahudi halk\u0131n\u0131n haklar\u0131 ve kaderi konusundaki a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 milliyet\u00e7i ve anti-liberal vizyonunu, demokratik anayasal s\u00fcre\u00e7 i\u00e7inde, yasal olarak se\u00e7ilmi\u015f bir ba\u015fbakan ve milliyet\u00e7i-dinci siyas\u00ee partiler koalisyonunun lideri s\u0131fat\u0131yla ya\u015fama ge\u00e7iriyor. Gazze\u2019de Hamas\u2019a kar\u015f\u0131 s\u00fcrmekte olan \u201coperasyon\u201d devam ettik\u00e7e, ona y\u00f6nelik bir g\u00fcvensizlik oylamas\u0131 yapma ihtimali de zay\u0131fl\u0131yor. Bu, sa\u011f pop\u00fclizmin en radikal ve \u00f6l\u00fcmc\u00fcl h\u00e2lidir. \u0130\u00e7inde ultra-muhafazak\u00e2r, siyonist hem laik hem din\u00ee \u00f6\u011feleri bar\u0131nd\u0131r\u0131r, ama bunun \u00f6tesine ge\u00e7en, gelecekte devleti geni\u015fletmeyi ve g\u00fcvence alt\u0131na almay\u0131 hedefleyen dinamik ve yay\u0131lmac\u0131 bir illiberal siyaset anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131 vard\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Netanyahu ve Trump, her ikisi de, \u201ctek-k\u00fclt\u00fcrl\u00fc milliyet\u00e7ilik\u201d olarak adland\u0131rabilece\u011fimiz ve \u201c\u00f6tekile\u015ftirme\u201dye dayanan se\u00e7ici bir insan sevgisi anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131n liberal demokrasi ve insan uygarl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n gelece\u011fi i\u00e7in nas\u0131l bir tehlike olu\u015fturdu\u011funu en \u00e7arp\u0131c\u0131 bi\u00e7imde g\u00f6steren fig\u00fcrler. Bence bug\u00fcn liberal uygarl\u0131k, fa\u015fizmden veya \u00e7\u00f6ken Sovyet kom\u00fcnizminden ya da Bat\u0131\u2019yla ticaret yapmak isteyen \u00c7in kom\u00fcnizminden veya sava\u015f\u0131 kazanamayaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 bilen Kuzey Kore\u2019den de\u011fil, i\u00e7eriden tehdit alt\u0131nda. Burada da as\u0131l mesele Trump\u2019\u0131n ya da AfD\u2019nin \u201cliberal olmayan demokrasisine\u201d kar\u015f\u0131 liberal d\u00fcnyan\u0131n a\u00e7t\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir sava\u015f de\u011fil; tam tersine, illiberal demokrasinin liberal demokrasiye a\u00e7t\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir sava\u015f. Bu \u201cmuhafazak\u00e2r de\u011ferleri savunma\u201d iddias\u0131n\u0131n tehlikeli y\u00f6n\u00fc, kapitalist demokrasiyi ba\u015fka bir sistemle de\u011fi\u015ftirmek yerine ele ge\u00e7irip kendi ama\u00e7lar\u0131 do\u011frultusunda kullanmak istemesi.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Muhafazak\u00e2r devrimcilik ile fa\u015fizm aras\u0131ndaki ili\u015fki nedir? Bu iki kavram nerede \u00f6rt\u00fc\u015f\u00fcr, nerede ayr\u0131l\u0131r?<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Daha \u00f6nce a\u00e7\u0131klad\u0131\u011f\u0131m gibi, muhafazak\u00e2r devrim farkl\u0131 \u015fekillerde ortaya \u00e7\u0131kabilir ve bunlardan biri de fa\u015fizmin bir bile\u015feni h\u00e2line gelmi\u015ftir. Ancak bu sadece bir bile\u015fendir. \u00d6rne\u011fin, Weimar Almanya\u2019s\u0131nda baz\u0131 a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 muhafazak\u00e2rlar, muhafazak\u00e2r ama devrimci olmayan Alman Halk Partisi\u2019nden (Deutsche Volkspartei) ayr\u0131l\u0131p NSDAP\u2019ye kat\u0131lm\u0131\u015f ve b\u00f6ylece \u201cdevrimci a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 muhafazak\u00e2rlar\u201d haline gelmi\u015flerdir. Fa\u015fist \u0130talya\u2019da da, din\u00ee modernle\u015fmeye kar\u015f\u0131 Katolik de\u011ferleri savunmak isteyen ultra-muhafazak\u00e2r kesimler, \u0130talya\u2019n\u0131n sek\u00fclerle\u015fmesini engellemek amac\u0131yla Fa\u015fizmi benimsemi\u015flerdi. Sava\u015f sonras\u0131nda ise Armin Mohler, \u201cMuhafazak\u00e2r Devrim\u201d adl\u0131 kitab\u0131nda bu kavram\u0131 yeniden tan\u0131mlayarak, fa\u015fist bir devrimi ileride yeniden canland\u0131rmay\u0131 ama\u00e7layan, k\u00fclt\u00fcrel ve entelekt\u00fcel bir illiberal milliyet\u00e7ilik gelene\u011finin d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnsel kaynaklar\u0131n\u0131 ortaya koymaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla muhafazak\u00e2rl\u0131k veya muhafazak\u00e2r devrim ile fa\u015fizm aras\u0131ndaki ili\u015fki karma\u015f\u0131k bir tablo sunar. \u015eunu da unutmamak gerekir ki Nazizm, \u201cKan ve Toprak\u201d fikrini geli\u015ftiren ve Alman k\u00f6yl\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc bir \u201cAlman Devrimi\u201dnin temel ta\u015f\u0131 olarak g\u00f6ren Walter Darr\u00e9 gibi bir fig\u00fcr\u00fc de kucaklarken, k\u00f6le eme\u011fine dayal\u0131 silah \u00fcretimini organize eden ve devasa modernist \u00f6\u011feler bar\u0131nd\u0131ran an\u0131tsal binalar in\u015fa eden Albert Speer gibi a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 modernist isimleri de desteklemi\u015ftir. \u00d6rne\u011fin Todt \u00d6rg\u00fct\u00fc, otoyollar, roket teknolojisi geli\u015ftirme projeleri, Nazizmde g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc bir gelece\u011fe d\u00f6n\u00fck \u201cilerici\u201d boyut oldu\u011funu g\u00f6steriyor. Nazi rejimi atom bombas\u0131 \u00fczerinde \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar yap\u0131yordu, end\u00fcstriyel \u00f6l\u00e7ekte kitlesel katliam ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirdi; bu durum, gerici bir muhafazak\u00e2rl\u0131ktan \u00e7ok totaliter bir modernli\u011fe ve hatta modernizme i\u015faret eder.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Toplumun g\u00f6z\u00fcnde Nazizmi kar\u0131\u015ft\u0131ran \u015fey, onun \u201cfolkish\u201d yan\u0131, Orta\u00e7a\u011f hayranl\u0131\u011f\u0131, \u015f\u00f6valyeler ve kaleler k\u00fclt\u00fc, end\u00fcstri \u00f6ncesi tar\u0131m ve k\u0131rsal idealine dair nostaljiyi propaganda malzemesi yapmas\u0131d\u0131r. Ancak bu, gerici anlamda bir muhafazak\u00e2rl\u0131k de\u011fil; Nazizmin, etnik, Aryan kahramanl\u0131k ve safl\u0131k k\u00fclt\u00fcn\u00fc besleyen, k\u00f6kleri mitik bir Almanl\u0131k anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131na dayanan bir ideolojik ara\u00e7t\u0131r. Benzer bir paradoks, Frans\u0131z fa\u015fizminde de g\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcr: K\u0131rsal Fransa k\u00fclt\u00fc, gerici Katoliklik ve \u201cLouis XI d\u00f6nemine \u00f6zlem\u201d gibi \u00f6geleriyle birlikte, Le Corbusier\u2019nin ultra-modernist mimarisine duyulan hayranl\u0131k ve modern teknolojinin y\u00fcceltilmesi bir arada var olabilmi\u015ftir. Hem \u0130talyan hem Alman fa\u015fistler, \u201caviation\u201du (havac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131) modernli\u011fin bir sembol\u00fc olarak y\u00fcceltirken, ayn\u0131 zamanda \u201cebedi de\u011ferleri\u201d \u00f6v\u00fcp i\u00e7inde \u00e7ok muhafazak\u00e2r kesimleri bar\u0131nd\u0131rabiliyordu. Fa\u015fizmin genel ruhu veya itici g\u00fcc\u00fc, ger\u00e7ekte \u201ckar\u015f\u0131-devrimci\u201d de\u011fil, tam anlam\u0131yla \u201cdevrimci\u201d olan bir ideolojik omurgaya dayan\u0131yordu. O, \u0131rksal veya ulusal bir ge\u00e7mi\u015fin \u201cmitik de\u011ferlerini\u201d kutlarken, bu ge\u00e7mi\u015fe k\u00f6k salm\u0131\u015f bir \u201cmodernizm\u201d anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131 ortaya koyuyordu. Ben buna \u201ck\u00f6kl\u00fc modernizm\u201d diyorum.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ernst Nolte, fa\u015fizmi Bol\u015fevizme bir tepki olarak yorumlayarak bunu \u2018Avrupa \u0130\u00e7 Sava\u015f\u0131\u2019 (1917-1945) ba\u011flam\u0131nda ele ald\u0131. Fa\u015fizmi temelde Bol\u015fevizme tepki olarak g\u00f6rmek, fa\u015fizmin kendine \u00f6zg\u00fc ideolojik ve toplumsal dinamiklerini g\u00f6z ard\u0131 etmek anlam\u0131na m\u0131 gelir? Nolte\u2019nin \u2018Avrupa \u0130\u00e7 Sava\u015f\u0131\u2019 tezi, fa\u015fizmin nedenlerini ve geli\u015fimini a\u00e7\u0131klamak i\u00e7in ne \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde yeterli?<\/strong><\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Nolte\u2019nin teorisi, Almanya\u2019n\u0131n Hitler d\u00f6neminde insanl\u0131\u011fa kar\u015f\u0131 i\u015fledi\u011fi milyonlarca sava\u015f su\u00e7unu hafifletmeyi ama\u00e7layan bir tarihsel revizyonizm \u00f6rne\u011fidir. Geni\u015f akademik bilgi, dil becerisi ve kaynak\u00e7aya ra\u011fmen, \u00dc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc Reich\u2019in esas olarak Rus Devrimi ve kom\u00fcnizm tehdidine tepki olarak geli\u015fti\u011fini ve \u0130kinci D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131\u2019n\u0131n bu iki ideoloji aras\u0131ndaki bir \u201cAvrupa \u0130\u00e7 Sava\u015f\u0131\u201d oldu\u011funu \u00f6ne s\u00fcrmek tarihsel bak\u0131mdan sa\u00e7mal\u0131kt\u0131r. Nazizmin ideolojik k\u00f6kleri (a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 milliyet\u00e7ilik, emperyalizm, militarizm, \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131k, Aryanizm, antikom\u00fcnizm, antisemitizm, Yeni Alman \u0130nsan\u0131 k\u00fclt\u00fc, bilimcilik) 1917\u2019den \u00f6nceye dayan\u0131r. Soyk\u0131r\u0131m kamplar\u0131n\u0131n, Gulag ve \u201cAsyatik kom\u00fcnizm su\u00e7lar\u0131\u201dna tepki olarak ortaya \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 iddia etmekse, Bat\u0131 Almanya\u2019da liberal demokrasiyi zay\u0131flatmak ve fa\u015fizm yanl\u0131s\u0131 zihniyeti yaymak i\u00e7in pseudo-akademik bir mit \u00fcretmekten ba\u015fka bir \u015fey de\u011fildir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla, Alman<\/strong> fa\u015fizmini temelde Bol\u015fevizme tepki olarak g\u00f6rmek, Nazizmin \u00f6zg\u00fcn ideolojik ve toplumsal dinamiklerini, olu\u015fum s\u00fcrecini ve fa\u015fizmi totaliter, devrimci bir a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 milliyet\u00e7ilik olarak kavramam\u0131z\u0131 engeller. Nazizmin amac\u0131 sadece kom\u00fcnizmi veya Avrupa Yahudili\u011fini yok etmek de\u011fildi; \u0131rksal safl\u0131\u011fa dayal\u0131, bin y\u0131ll\u0131k bir Reich kurmay\u0131 hedefleyen bir ulus\u00f6tesi yeniden do\u011fu\u015f projesiydi. Nolte\u2019nin tezi, s\u00f6zde akademik tarih metodunu kullanarak Nazizmin kendi ba\u015f\u0131na i\u015fledi\u011fi korkun\u00e7 su\u00e7lar\u0131 hafifletmeye ve Alman mill\u00ee su\u00e7lulu\u011funu azaltmaya y\u00f6nelik bir \u00e7abad\u0131r. Nazizmin, Sovyetler Birli\u011fi\u2019ni yenseydi bile, d\u00fcnya h\u00e2kimiyetini ama\u00e7layan Aryan \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131 bir d\u00fczen kurma \u00e7abas\u0131 s\u00fcrecek; Yahudi halk\u0131, Slavlar ve pek \u00e7ok di\u011fer etnik\/dini grup i\u00e7in tehdit devam edecekti. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla, Nazizmi kom\u00fcnizmle bir t\u00fcr \u201cideolojik i\u00e7 sava\u015f\u201d halinde g\u00f6sterip, onun \u00f6zg\u00fcn totaliter ve \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131 projesini g\u00f6rmezden gelmek kabul edilemez bir \u00e7arp\u0131tmad\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ancak ben, bu r\u00f6portaj\u0131 okuyan ki\u015fileri, fa\u015fizmle ilgili ilgin\u00e7liklere kap\u0131lmamaya \u00e7a\u011f\u0131r\u0131yorum. Evet, fa\u015fizm tamamen yok olmam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r; fakat g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde devrimci anlamda etkisizdir ve marjinal kalm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. G\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcz\u00fc anlamak i\u00e7in \u00fczerinde durmam\u0131z gereken esas m\u00fccadele, otokrasi ile demokrasi<\/strong> ve liberal demokrasi ile illiberal demokrasi<\/strong> aras\u0131ndaki k\u00fcresel \u00e7eki\u015fmedir. Ayr\u0131ca, teknolojik ve t\u00fcketim toplumuyla, insan ya\u015fam\u0131n\u0131n ba\u011fl\u0131 oldu\u011fu biyosferi koruma m\u00fccadelesi aras\u0131ndaki gerginli\u011fi de g\u00f6z \u00f6n\u00fcnde bulundurmal\u0131y\u0131z. \u00d6n\u00fcm\u00fczdeki on y\u0131llarda ya\u015fanacak ekonomik, demografik, politik ve ekolojik krizlere verilecek tepkileri ve sonu\u00e7 olarak insan uygarl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n gelecek y\u00fczy\u0131l i\u00e7inde bir \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f ya\u015fay\u0131p ya\u015famayaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 bu \u00e7eki\u015fmeler belirleyecek.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Roger Griffin, d\u00fcnyan\u0131n \u00f6nde gelen fa\u015fizm uzmanlar\u0131ndan biridir. T\u00fcrk\u00e7e’ye Fa\u015fizmin Do\u011fas\u0131 adl\u0131 kitab\u0131 \u00e7evrildi. Kendisiyle fa\u015fizm, muhafazak\u00e2r devrimcilik ve Ernst Nolte \u00fczerine bir s\u00f6yle\u015fi ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirdik. Benim i\u00e7in en \u00f6nemli ve \u00f6\u011fretici r\u00f6portajlardan birisi oldu. Son on y\u0131lda pop\u00fclizm kavram\u0131 b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00f6nem kazand\u0131, oysa fa\u015fizm kavram\u0131 giderek daha az kullan\u0131l\u0131yor. G\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcz\u00fcn a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 sa\u011f hareketlerini ne \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde… Continue reading →<\/span><\/a><\/span><\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":2161,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_jetpack_memberships_contains_paid_content":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[58,1],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-2154","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-gorus","category-roportajlar"],"yoast_head":"\nRoger Griffin: \u00dczerinde durmam\u0131z gereken esas m\u00fccadele, otokrasi ile demokrasi ve liberal demokrasi ile illiberal demokrasi aras\u0131ndaki k\u00fcresel \u00e7eki\u015fmedir - Eren Ye\u015filyurt<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/erenyesilyurt.com\/index.php\/2025\/02\/15\/roger-griffin-uzerinde-durmamiz-gereken-esas-mucadele-otokrasi-ile-demokrasi-ve-liberal-demokrasi-ile-illiberal-demokrasi-arasindaki-kuresel-cekismedir\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Roger Griffin: \u00dczerinde durmam\u0131z gereken esas m\u00fccadele, otokrasi ile demokrasi ve liberal demokrasi ile illiberal demokrasi aras\u0131ndaki k\u00fcresel \u00e7eki\u015fmedir - Eren Ye\u015filyurt\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"Roger Griffin, d\u00fcnyan\u0131n \u00f6nde gelen fa\u015fizm uzmanlar\u0131ndan biridir. T\u00fcrk\u00e7e’ye Fa\u015fizmin Do\u011fas\u0131 adl\u0131 kitab\u0131 \u00e7evrildi. Kendisiyle fa\u015fizm, muhafazak\u00e2r devrimcilik ve Ernst Nolte \u00fczerine bir s\u00f6yle\u015fi ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirdik. Benim i\u00e7in en \u00f6nemli ve \u00f6\u011fretici r\u00f6portajlardan birisi oldu. Son on y\u0131lda pop\u00fclizm kavram\u0131 b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00f6nem kazand\u0131, oysa fa\u015fizm kavram\u0131 giderek daha az kullan\u0131l\u0131yor. G\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcz\u00fcn a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 sa\u011f hareketlerini ne \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde... 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T\u00fcrk\u00e7e’ye Fa\u015fizmin Do\u011fas\u0131 adl\u0131 kitab\u0131 \u00e7evrildi. Kendisiyle fa\u015fizm, muhafazak\u00e2r devrimcilik ve Ernst Nolte \u00fczerine bir s\u00f6yle\u015fi ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirdik. Benim i\u00e7in en \u00f6nemli ve \u00f6\u011fretici r\u00f6portajlardan birisi oldu. Son on y\u0131lda pop\u00fclizm kavram\u0131 b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00f6nem kazand\u0131, oysa fa\u015fizm kavram\u0131 giderek daha az kullan\u0131l\u0131yor. G\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcz\u00fcn a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 sa\u011f hareketlerini ne \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde... 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