{"id":2362,"date":"2025-04-27T17:46:30","date_gmt":"2025-04-27T14:46:30","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/erenyesilyurt.com\/?p=2362"},"modified":"2025-04-27T17:47:21","modified_gmt":"2025-04-27T14:47:21","slug":"alexander-raynor-grece-hareketi-ilerici-liberalizmin-kulturel-hakimiyetine-amerikan-etkisine-dekolonizasyon-sureclerine-ve-cokkulturlulugun-yukselisine-karsi-bir-tepki-olarak-ortaya-cikti","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/erenyesilyurt.com\/index.php\/2025\/04\/27\/alexander-raynor-grece-hareketi-ilerici-liberalizmin-kulturel-hakimiyetine-amerikan-etkisine-dekolonizasyon-sureclerine-ve-cokkulturlulugun-yukselisine-karsi-bir-tepki-olarak-ortaya-cikti\/","title":{"rendered":"Alexander Raynor: GRECE hareketi, ilerici liberalizmin k\u00fclt\u00fcrel h\u00e2kimiyetine, Amerikan etkisine, dekolonizasyon s\u00fcre\u00e7lerine ve \u00e7okk\u00fclt\u00fcrl\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn y\u00fckseli\u015fine kar\u015f\u0131 bir tepki olarak ortaya \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

Avrupa Sa\u011f\u0131 i\u00e7inde GRECE hareketi, Alain de Benoist \u00f6nc\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcnde kurularak d\u00f6nemin en \u00f6nemli tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131na liderlik etti ve sonras\u0131nda gelen sa\u011f ak\u0131mlar\u0131 derinden etkiledi. \u00d6zellikle neo-paganizm vurgusu ilgimi \u00e7ekti. Alexander Raynor ise ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z bir tarih\u00e7i, \u00e7evirmen ve yazar olarak Arktos Journal\u2019a d\u00fczenli katk\u0131da bulunuyor; ayn\u0131 zamanda Substack\u2019te yay\u0131mlanan European New Right Revue’\u00fcn (http:\/\/nouvelledroite.substack.com<\/a>) genel yay\u0131n y\u00f6netmenli\u011fini y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fcyor. GRECE hareketi \u00fczerine konu\u015ftuk.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

G.R.E.C.E. ve Avrupa Yeni Sa\u011f\u0131 hangi tarihsel, siyasi ve entelekt\u00fcel ko\u015fullarda ortaya \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131? Bu geli\u015fimi hangi fakt\u00f6rler tetikledi?<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Groupement de Recherche et d’\u00c9tudes pour la Civilisation Europ\u00e9enne (GRECE) ve daha geni\u015f anlamda Avrupa Yeni Sa\u011f\u0131 (ENR), sava\u015f sonras\u0131 Avrupa\u2019da, \u00f6zellikle de 1960\u2019lar\u0131n sonlar\u0131nda Fransa\u2019da belirli tarihsel, siyasi ve entelekt\u00fcel ko\u015fullar alt\u0131nda ortaya \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131. GRECE, 1969 y\u0131l\u0131nda Alain de Benoist ve di\u011fer Frans\u0131z entelekt\u00fceller taraf\u0131ndan, birka\u00e7 \u00f6nemli geli\u015fmenin etkisi alt\u0131nda resm\u00ee olarak kuruldu: \u0130kinci D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131 sonras\u0131 geleneksel sa\u011f siyasetin ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcn alg\u0131lanmas\u0131, 1968 May\u0131s \u00f6\u011frenci protestolar\u0131n\u0131n ard\u0131ndan ya\u015fanan b\u00fcy\u00fck hayal k\u0131r\u0131kl\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve akademik ile k\u00fclt\u00fcrel kurumlarda sol d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncenin entelekt\u00fcel egemenli\u011fi. Bu d\u00f6nem, \u00f6zellikle fa\u015fist ideolojilerin itibars\u0131zla\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131n ard\u0131ndan, Avrupa’da geleneksel muhafazak\u00e2r d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncenin derin bir kriz ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir zaman dilimiydi.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hareket, ilerici liberalizmin k\u00fclt\u00fcrel h\u00e2kimiyetine, Avrupa i\u015flerindeki Amerikan etkisine (“Amerikanla\u015fma” veya “k\u00fcreselle\u015fme” olarak alg\u0131lanan k\u00fclt\u00fcrel emperyalizm), s\u00f6m\u00fcrgecilik sonras\u0131 dekolonizasyon s\u00fcre\u00e7lerine ve \u00e7okk\u00fclt\u00fcrl\u00fc politikalar\u0131n y\u00fckseli\u015fine tepki olarak ortaya \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131. So\u011fuk Sava\u015f ba\u011flam\u0131 da Avrupa Yeni Sa\u011f\u0131’na ek bir itici g\u00fc\u00e7 sa\u011flad\u0131; \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc ENR, Amerikan kapitalizmi ile Sovyet kom\u00fcnizmi aras\u0131nda \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc bir yol geli\u015ftirmeyi ama\u00e7l\u0131yordu.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Entelekt\u00fcel d\u00fczeyde hareketin do\u011fu\u015fu, kurucular\u0131n\u0131n sava\u015f sonras\u0131 muhafazak\u00e2r d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncenin k\u00fclt\u00fcr ve kimlik meselelerini ele almaktaki yetersizli\u011fini fark etmeleriyle tetiklendi. Geleneksel sa\u011f partilerin yaln\u0131zca ekonomik muhafazak\u00e2rl\u0131\u011fa indirgendiklerine ve daha derin k\u00fclt\u00fcrel veya felsefi temellerden yoksun olduklar\u0131na inan\u0131yorlard\u0131. Bu entelekt\u00fcel bo\u015fluk, Avrupa Yeni Sa\u011f\u0131’n\u0131n sa\u011f d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnceyi klasik sa\u011f kanonun \u00f6tesine ge\u00e7erek, farkl\u0131 teorik kaynaklardan yararlanarak yeniden form\u00fcle etmesine yol a\u00e7t\u0131.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Avrupa Yeni Sa\u011f\u0131’n\u0131 geleneksel ya da a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 sa\u011f hareketlerden hangi y\u00f6nleriyle ay\u0131rt edebiliriz? Entelekt\u00fcel temelleri ve stratejik hedefleri nas\u0131l farkl\u0131la\u015fmaktad\u0131r?<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Avrupa Yeni Sa\u011f\u0131 (ENR), geleneksel a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 sa\u011f hareketlerden a\u00e7\u0131k \u015fekilde ayr\u0131l\u0131r; \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc do\u011frudan siyasi iktidar\u0131 hedeflemek yerine k\u00fclt\u00fcrel etkilenmeyi \u00f6nceliklendiren, bilin\u00e7li bir entelekt\u00fcel projedir. Parti siyasetine kat\u0131lmak ya da pop\u00fclist ajitasyonla halk\u0131 harekete ge\u00e7irmek yerine, d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce kurulu\u015flar\u0131, yay\u0131nlar ve akademik tart\u0131\u015fmalar yoluyla hareket eder. ENR, anlaml\u0131 bir siyasi de\u011fi\u015fimin ancak k\u00fclt\u00fcrel hegemonya tesis edildikten sonra m\u00fcmk\u00fcn olaca\u011f\u0131na inan\u0131r. Bu stratejik y\u00f6nelim, Antonio Gramsci’nin metapolitika kavram\u0131ndan ilham al\u0131narak \u015fekillendirilmi\u015f ve eski sa\u011f hareketlerin se\u00e7im ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131 ya da do\u011frudan devlet iktidar\u0131 elde etme hedeflerinden \u00f6nemli \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde farkl\u0131la\u015fm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Pek \u00e7ok sa\u011f hareket H\u0131ristiyanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 Bat\u0131 medeniyetinin ruhani temeli olarak g\u00f6r\u00fcrken, ENR H\u0131ristiyanl\u0131k evrenselcili\u011fine, e\u015fitlik\u00e7i eti\u011fine ve modern \u00f6ncesi Avrupa kimliklerini zay\u0131flatmadaki tarihsel rol\u00fcne sert bir ele\u015ftiri y\u00f6neltir. ENR, bunun yerine, kahramanl\u0131k, k\u00f6kl\u00fcl\u00fck ve d\u00f6ng\u00fcsel zaman anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131 vurgulayan, H\u0131ristiyanl\u0131k \u00f6ncesi pagan geleneklerin canland\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131 savunur ve bunlar\u0131 Avrupa ruhaniyetinin daha otantik bir ifadesi olarak g\u00f6r\u00fcr.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Stratejik a\u00e7\u0131dan ENR, do\u011frudan iktidar\u0131 ele ge\u00e7irmek yerine, kamusal s\u00f6ylemin, de\u011ferlerin ve entelekt\u00fcel varsay\u0131mlar\u0131n t\u00fcm yap\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 de\u011fi\u015ftirmeyi hedefleyen bir metapolitik hareket olarak kendisini konumland\u0131r\u0131r. Amac\u0131, iktidar\u0131n ne oldu\u011fu alg\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 de\u011fi\u015ftirmek ve b\u00f6ylece modern Avrupa’n\u0131n k\u00fclt\u00fcrel ve felsefi temellerini k\u00f6kten d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrmektir. Bu yakla\u015f\u0131m, onu liberal moderniteye ve geleneksel sa\u011f otoriterli\u011fe kar\u015f\u0131, tepki veren de\u011fil, fikir d\u00fczeyinde devrim yapan bir hareket h\u00e2line getirir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dominique Venner’in For a Positive Critique<\/em> adl\u0131 eseri, Avrupa Yeni Sa\u011f\u0131’n\u0131n metapolitik stratejisinin do\u011fu\u015fu olarak g\u00f6r\u00fclebilir; burada siyasi bir “g\u00fc\u00e7 darbesi” (coup de force) fikrinden vazge\u00e7ilmekte ve \u00f6ncelikle bir k\u00fclt\u00fcrel devrimin ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirilmesi gerekti\u011fi savunulmaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Antonio Gramsci\u2019nin \u201ck\u00fclt\u00fcrel hegemonya\u201d kavram\u0131na dayal\u0131 “Sa\u011fc\u0131 Gramsci” ya da “metapolitik” yakla\u015f\u0131m hangi gerek\u00e7elerle benimsenmi\u015ftir?<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Avrupa Yeni Sa\u011f\u0131, siyasi g\u00fcc\u00fcn nihayetinde k\u00fclt\u00fcrel h\u00e2kimiyetten kaynakland\u0131\u011f\u0131 anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131 temelinde Antonio Gramsci’nin k\u00fclt\u00fcrel hegemonya kavram\u0131n\u0131 benimsemi\u015ftir. Bu metapolitik yakla\u015f\u0131m birka\u00e7 gerek\u00e7eye dayanmaktad\u0131r. \u00d6ncelikle ENR, geleneksel sa\u011f\u0131n se\u00e7im siyasetine odaklanmas\u0131n\u0131n liberal ve ilerici de\u011ferlerin k\u00fclt\u00fcrel egemenli\u011fini \u00f6nleyemedi\u011fini fark etti. Sol fikirlerin, se\u00e7im ma\u011flubiyetlerine ra\u011fmen e\u011fitim kurumlar\u0131na, medyaya ve k\u00fclt\u00fcrel \u00fcretime n\u00fcfuz etti\u011fi g\u00f6zlemlendi.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u0130kinci olarak, Gramsci’nin, iktidar\u0131n zorlama yoluyla de\u011fil k\u00fclt\u00fcrel r\u0131za ile korundu\u011funa ili\u015fkin \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcmlemesi ENR’ye ilham verdi. ENR, bu \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcmlemeyi tersine \u00e7evirerek, liberal hegemonyaya kar\u015f\u0131 fikirler sava\u015f\u0131n\u0131 kazanmay\u0131 \u00f6ncelikli hedef olarak belirledi.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00dc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc olarak, ENR, do\u011frudan siyasi \u00e7at\u0131\u015fman\u0131n sa\u011f hareketler i\u00e7in \u00f6zellikle \u0130kinci D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131 sonras\u0131nda son derece zararl\u0131 h\u00e2le geldi\u011fini fark etti. Fa\u015fist ve reaksiyoner siyasetlerin itibars\u0131zla\u015fmas\u0131, do\u011frudan siyasi y\u00f6ntemlerin etkisiz kalmas\u0131na yol a\u00e7m\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Bu y\u00fczden, k\u00fclt\u00fcr d\u00fczeyinde \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmak daha etkili ve daha g\u00fcvenli bir yol olarak belirdi.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Son olarak ENR, k\u00fclt\u00fcrel d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm\u00fcn uzun vadeli do\u011fas\u0131n\u0131 kavrayarak Gramsci’nin “mevzi sava\u015f\u0131” kavram\u0131n\u0131 benimsedi. Bu, kurumlar \u00fczerinden uzun s\u00fcreli bir n\u00fcfuz s\u00fcreciyle kimlik, topluluk ve aidiyet anlay\u0131\u015flar\u0131n\u0131n yava\u015f\u00e7a d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr\u00fclmesini hedefliyordu.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bug\u00fcn bu d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce \u00e7izgisinin, Anglosfer’deki Curtis Yarvin, Neema Parvini ve Samuel Francis gibi sa\u011f d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcrler aras\u0131nda da dola\u015f\u0131ma girdi\u011fini g\u00f6rmekteyiz; bunlar, Bertrand de Jouvenel, Vilfredo Pareto, Gaetano Mosca ve James Burnham gibi g\u00fc\u00e7 teorisyenlerini yeniden ke\u015ffetmi\u015flerdir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Neden H\u0131ristiyanl\u0131k yerine neopaganizm tercih ediliyor? Bu tercihin ideolojik ve k\u00fclt\u00fcrel gerek\u00e7eleri nelerdir?<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

H\u0131ristiyanl\u0131k yerine paganizmi se\u00e7mek, yaln\u0131zca teolojik bir farkl\u0131l\u0131k de\u011fil, Avrupa Yeni Sa\u011f\u0131’n\u0131n temel d\u00fcnya g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcn ayr\u0131lmaz bir par\u00e7as\u0131d\u0131r. Avrupa Yeni Sa\u011f\u0131’n\u0131n neopaganizmi H\u0131ristiyanl\u0131\u011fa tercih etmesinin birka\u00e7 ideolojik ve k\u00fclt\u00fcrel nedeni vard\u0131r. \u00d6ncelikle, ENR d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcrleri H\u0131ristiyanl\u0131\u011f\u0131, Avrupa’n\u0131n yerel geleneklerini a\u015f\u0131nd\u0131ran ve liberalizm ile kom\u00fcnizm gibi di\u011fer evrenselci ideolojilere zemin haz\u0131rlayan evrenselci bir din olarak g\u00f6r\u00fcrler. Bu ele\u015ftiriler Oswald Spengler\u2019in \u00fcnl\u00fc bir \u015fekilde \u201cH\u0131ristiyanl\u0131k Bol\u015fevizmin b\u00fcy\u00fckannesi olmu\u015ftur\u201d ifadesiyle paralellik g\u00f6sterir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u0130kincisi, Alain de Benoist gibi ENR d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcrleri, H\u0131ristiyanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n Avrupa d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesine yabanc\u0131 olan ikili bir d\u00fcnya g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fc (iyi-k\u00f6t\u00fc, ruh-beden ayr\u0131m\u0131) getirdi\u011fini ve bunun do\u011fay\u0131 kutsall\u0131ktan ar\u0131nd\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 savunur. Buna kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k pagan dinler, do\u011fay\u0131 kutsayan, immanans\u0131 ve d\u00f6ng\u00fcsel zaman anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131 kutlayan bir yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131 temsil eder.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00dc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fcs\u00fc, H\u0131ristiyanl\u0131k, Nietzsche\u2019den ilhamla, “k\u00f6le ahlak\u0131” yaymakla su\u00e7lan\u0131r; bu ahlak anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131, aristokratik erdemleri y\u00fccelten pre-H\u0131ristiyan Avrupa k\u00fclt\u00fcrleriyle taban tabana z\u0131t g\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcr.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

D\u00f6rd\u00fcnc\u00fc olarak, H\u0131ristiyanl\u0131k, bir Orta Do\u011fu ithalat\u0131 olarak alg\u0131lan\u0131r ve Avrupa’n\u0131n \u00f6zg\u00fcn ruhani kimli\u011fiyle uyumsuz bulunur. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla Avrupa’n\u0131n kendi yerel dini geleneklerine geri d\u00f6nmesi gerekti\u011fi savunulur.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Be\u015finci olarak, ENR, liberalizmi sek\u00fcler bir H\u0131ristiyanl\u0131k bi\u00e7imi olarak de\u011ferlendirir. Amerikal\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcrler Paul Gottfried ve Curtis Yarvin de benzer \u015fekilde liberalizmin k\u00f6kenini H\u0131ristiyan evrenselcili\u011finde g\u00f6r\u00fcrler. Bu y\u00fczden H\u0131ristiyanl\u0131\u011fa muhalefet ayn\u0131 zamanda liberalizme de muhalefet anlam\u0131na gelir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Son olarak, Avrupa’n\u0131n H\u0131ristiyanla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131, Avrupa zihninin ilk kez s\u00f6m\u00fcrgele\u015ftirilmesi olarak \u00e7er\u00e7evelenir ve paganizme d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f bir t\u00fcr zihinsel dekolonizasyon olarak kurgulan\u0131r. Bu s\u00f6ylem, Avrupa kimli\u011fine odaklanan bir postkolonyal ele\u015ftiri geli\u015ftirmenin yolunu a\u00e7ar.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Metapolitika kavram\u0131 nas\u0131l uygulan\u0131yor? GRECE ve Avrupa Yeni Sa\u011f\u0131 bu fikri kamusal alana ta\u015f\u0131mak i\u00e7in ne gibi giri\u015fimlerde bulundu?<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Avrupa Yeni Sa\u011f\u0131’n\u0131n aktivistleri, metapolitik stratejilerini kamusal s\u00f6ylemi etkilemek amac\u0131yla \u00e7e\u015fitli giri\u015fimlerle uygulamaya koymu\u015flard\u0131r. \u00d6ncelikle, entelekt\u00fcel dergiler ve yay\u0131nevleri kurmak bu yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131n merkezinde yer ald\u0131. Fransa\u2019da \u00c9l\u00e9ments, Nouvelle \u00c9cole ve Krisis gibi yay\u0131n organlar\u0131; \u0130ngilizce d\u00fcnyada Arktos, The Scorpion, American Renaissance, The Occidental Observer ve Counter-Currents gibi yay\u0131nevleri ve dergiler; Almanya\u2019da ise Junge Freiheit gibi gazeteler, Avrupa Yeni Sa\u011f\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesinin entelekt\u00fcel \u00e7evrelere ula\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 i\u00e7in temel platformlar olmu\u015ftur. Bu yay\u0131nlar, farkl\u0131 konulara akademik ya da ciddi bir profesyonellik i\u00e7inde yakla\u015farak ENR’nin fikirlerini yaymay\u0131 ba\u015farm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u0130kinci olarak, konferanslar, yaz okullar\u0131 ve k\u00fclt\u00fcrel etkinlikler d\u00fczenlemek ENR\u2019nin etki alan\u0131n\u0131 geni\u015fletmesinde \u00f6nemli rol oynam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. GRECE, kimlik, gelenek ve modernlik gibi kavramlar\u0131 kendi d\u00fcnya g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015flerine uygun bir \u015fekilde tart\u0131\u015fmak i\u00e7in akademisyenleri, gazetecileri ve k\u00fclt\u00fcrel fig\u00fcrleri d\u00fczenli olarak bir araya getiren konferanslar organize etmi\u015ftir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00dc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc olarak, Avrupa Yeni Sa\u011f\u0131, kavramlar \u00fczerinde stratejik dil oyunlar\u0131 yaparak mevcut terminolojiyi yeniden tan\u0131mlamaya giri\u015fmi\u015ftir. “\u00c7e\u015fitlilik” kavram\u0131 gibi terimler, \u00e7okk\u00fclt\u00fcrl\u00fc b\u00fct\u00fcnle\u015fmeyi de\u011fil, farkl\u0131 k\u00fclt\u00fcrlerin \u00f6zg\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fcn korunmas\u0131n\u0131 ifade edecek \u015fekilde yeniden yorumlanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Guillaume Faye’nin Why We Fight<\/em> kitab\u0131nda geli\u015ftirdi\u011fi “Metapolitik S\u00f6zl\u00fck”, bu t\u00fcr s\u00f6ylem m\u00fchendisli\u011finin en iyi \u00f6rneklerinden biridir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

D\u00f6rd\u00fcnc\u00fc olarak, ENR’ye yak\u0131n d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnen d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcrler, ana ak\u0131m medya kurulu\u015flar\u0131nda kendilerine yer edinmeyi ba\u015farm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Fransa\u2019da GRECE ile ba\u011flant\u0131l\u0131 baz\u0131 isimler, Le Figaro Magazine gibi etkili dergi ve gazetelerde pozisyonlar elde etmi\u015f ve b\u00f6ylelikle kamuoyu tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n\u0131 dolayl\u0131 yollardan etkileme f\u0131rsat\u0131 bulmu\u015ftur.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Be\u015finci olarak, d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce kurulu\u015flar\u0131n\u0131n ve ara\u015ft\u0131rma enstit\u00fclerinin kurulmas\u0131, Avrupa Yeni Sa\u011f\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesinin kurumsalla\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131 sa\u011flam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Fransa\u2019daki Iliade Enstit\u00fcs\u00fc buna \u00f6rnektir. Bu t\u00fcr yap\u0131lar, ENR fikirlerini geli\u015ftirmek ve daha geni\u015f kitlelere ta\u015f\u0131mak i\u00e7in kal\u0131c\u0131 zeminler olu\u015fturmu\u015ftur.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Son olarak, ENR dijital medya ve \u00e7evrim i\u00e7i platformlara g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc \u015fekilde a\u00e7\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Web siteleri, YouTube kanallar\u0131 ve sosyal medya hesaplar\u0131 kurarak, \u00f6zellikle gen\u00e7 nesillere ula\u015fmada \u00f6nemli bir ba\u015far\u0131 elde etmi\u015flerdir. \u00c7e\u015fitli sosyal medya platformlar\u0131nda y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fclen geni\u015f tabanl\u0131 bir aktivizm sayesinde, ENR’nin kavram ve fikirleri geleneksel akademik ve siyasal ba\u011flamlar\u0131n \u00f6tesinde b\u00fcy\u00fck bir dola\u015f\u0131ma girmi\u015ftir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Avrupa Yeni Sa\u011f\u0131’n\u0131n geli\u015ftirdi\u011fi fikir ve stratejiler sa\u011f partileri ve \u00f6zellikle Avrupa\u2019daki pop\u00fclist sa\u011f hareketleri nas\u0131l etkiledi?<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Avrupa Yeni Sa\u011f\u0131, Avrupa’da (ve Amerika Birle\u015fik Devletleri’nde) sa\u011f partileri ve pop\u00fclist hareketleri birka\u00e7 \u00f6nemli yolla etkilemi\u015ftir. Birincisi, bir\u00e7ok pop\u00fclist sa\u011f parti, ENR’nin etnopluralizm kavram\u0131n\u0131 benimseyerek, g\u00f6\u00e7 kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 pozisyonlar\u0131n\u0131 \u0131rksal \u00fcst\u00fcnl\u00fck iddias\u0131 yerine k\u00fclt\u00fcrel \u00e7e\u015fitlili\u011fin korunmas\u0131 \u00e7er\u00e7evesinde yeniden \u00e7er\u00e7evelemi\u015ftir. Bu retorik strateji, eskiden marjinal olarak g\u00f6r\u00fclen g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015flerin ana ak\u0131m siyaset i\u00e7inde me\u015frula\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131 kolayla\u015ft\u0131rm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Fransa’daki Ulusal B\u00fct\u00fcnle\u015fme (eski ad\u0131yla Ulusal Cephe) bu konuda \u00e7arp\u0131c\u0131 bir \u00f6rnektir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u0130kincisi, ENR’nin k\u00fcreselle\u015fme ele\u015ftirisi ve yerel kimliklerin savunusu, Almanya\u2019daki AfD ve \u0130talya\u2019daki Lega gibi partilerin programlar\u0131na entegre edilmi\u015ftir. Bu partiler, “kimlik\u00e7ilik” dilini benimseyerek Avrupa Yeni Sa\u011f\u0131’n\u0131n teorik miras\u0131n\u0131 pratik siyasi hedeflere d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr. Amerika Birle\u015fik Devletleri’nde ise Trump hareketi, k\u00fcreselle\u015fmeye kar\u015f\u0131 ba\u015f\u0131 \u00e7eken ak\u0131mlardan biri olmu\u015ftur. Ba\u015fkan Yard\u0131mc\u0131s\u0131 J.D. Vance de Amerikan kimli\u011finin korunmas\u0131n\u0131 savunmu\u015f ve k\u00fcreselle\u015fmenin etkilerine kar\u015f\u0131 sert ele\u015ftiriler y\u00f6neltmi\u015ftir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00dc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fcs\u00fc, metapolitik stratejilerin benimsenmesi sa\u011f hareketlerin faaliyet tarz\u0131n\u0131 de\u011fi\u015ftirmi\u015ftir. Art\u0131k sadece geleneksel se\u00e7im kampanyalar\u0131na de\u011fil, k\u00fclt\u00fcrel etkinliklere, entelekt\u00fcel \u00fcretime ve medya g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcne de b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00f6nem verilmektedir. Generation Identity gibi hareketler a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a Avrupa Yeni Sa\u011f\u0131’na olan entelekt\u00fcel bor\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131 kabul etmektedir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Son olarak, ENR’nin Amerikan k\u00fclt\u00fcrel ve siyasal hegemonyas\u0131na y\u00f6nelik ele\u015ftirisi, Avrupa\u2019daki sa\u011f pop\u00fclist partilere sirayet etmi\u015ftir. Pek \u00e7ok parti, kendisini hem \u0130slam etkisine hem de “k\u00fcreselci” emperyalizme kar\u015f\u0131 Avrupa uygarl\u0131k de\u011ferlerinin savunucusu olarak konumland\u0131rm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. So\u011fuk Sava\u015f d\u00f6neminde ENR’nin kulland\u0131\u011f\u0131 “Ne Washington ne Moskova” slogan\u0131, bug\u00fcn “Ne Washington ne Mekke” \u015feklinde yeniden yorumlanabilir. Ne yaz\u0131k ki, bir\u00e7ok Avrupal\u0131 pop\u00fclist h\u00e2l\u00e2 Washington’a ba\u011fl\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcrmekte, as\u0131l tepkisini Br\u00fcksel’e (Avrupa Birli\u011fi’nin merkezi) y\u00f6neltmektedir. Yine de bu geli\u015fme, do\u011fru y\u00f6nde bir ad\u0131m olarak de\u011ferlendirilebilir; belki de yeni slogan “Ne Br\u00fcksel ne Mekke” olmal\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Son olarak, ENR’nin baz\u0131 konularda sol-sa\u011f ayr\u0131m\u0131n\u0131 a\u015fma giri\u015fimi, Ulusal B\u00fct\u00fcnle\u015fme gibi partilerin ekonomik alanda geleneksel olarak sol ile ili\u015fkilendirilen politikalar\u0131 benimsemesine yol a\u00e7m\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. K\u00fclt\u00fcrel muhafazak\u00e2rl\u0131\u011f\u0131 ekonomik korumac\u0131l\u0131kla birle\u015ftiren bu strateji, Avrupa Yeni Sa\u011f\u0131’n\u0131n teorik yeniliklerinin do\u011frudan bir yans\u0131mas\u0131d\u0131r. Ayn\u0131 e\u011filim, Trump y\u00f6netiminin tarifeler ve korumac\u0131 ekonomi politikalar\u0131yla Amerika Birle\u015fik Devletleri’nde de g\u00f6r\u00fclm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Avrupa Yeni Sa\u011f\u0131 ile Muhafazak\u00e2r Devrim (Konservative Revolution) entelekt\u00fcel ak\u0131m\u0131 aras\u0131ndaki ili\u015fki nedir? Bu iki ak\u0131m aras\u0131ndaki benzerlikler ve farkl\u0131l\u0131klar nas\u0131l belirlenebilir?<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ara\u015ft\u0131rmac\u0131 Tamir Bar-On, Avrupa Yeni Sa\u011f\u0131’n\u0131n Yeni Sol ile Muhafazak\u00e2r Devrim\u2019in bir sentezi oldu\u011funu ifade etmi\u015ftir. Bar-On her ne kadar Avrupa Yeni Sa\u011f\u0131’na dostane yakla\u015fmasa da, bu de\u011ferlendirme isabetlidir. \u0130ki ak\u0131m aras\u0131ndaki benzerlikler \u015funlard\u0131r: her ikisi de liberal demokrasiye ve kom\u00fcnist alternatiflere kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kmakta ve evrenselci ilkelere dayanmayan, topluluk ve k\u00fclt\u00fcrel \u00f6zg\u00fcnl\u00fck temelli \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc bir siyasi model aramaktad\u0131r. Ayr\u0131ca her iki ak\u0131m da materyalist yakla\u015f\u0131ma kar\u015f\u0131d\u0131r; kapitalist ve Marksist d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncelerdeki ekonomik \u00f6nceli\u011fe kar\u015f\u0131, manevi ve k\u00fclt\u00fcrel yenilenmeyi \u00f6n plana \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131r. \u00dcstelik, do\u011frudan siyasi eylemden ziyade entelekt\u00fcel d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcme odaklanmalar\u0131 da ortak bir noktad\u0131r; d\u00fcnya g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015flerini de\u011fi\u015ftirmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131rlar.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bununla birlikte \u00f6nemli farkl\u0131l\u0131klar da mevcuttur. Muhafazak\u00e2r Devrim, Weimar Almanyas\u0131’n\u0131n \u00f6zg\u00fcl ba\u011flam\u0131nda ortaya \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015f ve \u00f6zellikle Birinci D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131\u2019n\u0131n sonu\u00e7lar\u0131yla do\u011frudan \u015fekillenmi\u015ftir. Buna kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k Avrupa Yeni Sa\u011f\u0131, fa\u015fizmin itibars\u0131zla\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131n damgas\u0131n\u0131 vurdu\u011fu \u0130kinci D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131 sonras\u0131 d\u00f6nemde geli\u015fmi\u015ftir. Ayr\u0131ca ENR, devlet merkezli otoriterli\u011fe kar\u015f\u0131, Muhafazak\u00e2r Devrim d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcrlerine g\u00f6re \u00e7ok daha net bir mesafe koymu\u015ftur. ENR i\u00e7indeki pek \u00e7ok d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcr, Bat\u0131’da bug\u00fcn uyguland\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u015fekliyle olmasa da daha “organik” bir demokrasi anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131 desteklemektedir. Ek olarak, Avrupa Yeni Sa\u011f\u0131, Muhafazak\u00e2r Devrim’den farkl\u0131 olarak, evrenselcili\u011fe y\u00f6nelik postmodern ele\u015ftirileri ve kimlik odakl\u0131 postkolonyal teorileri de entelekt\u00fcel da\u011farc\u0131\u011f\u0131na katm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Muhafazak\u00e2r Devrimciler ise ele\u015ftirilerini b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde modernist \u00e7er\u00e7eveler i\u00e7inde s\u00fcrd\u00fcrm\u00fc\u015flerdi.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Avrupa Sa\u011f\u0131 i\u00e7inde GRECE hareketi, Alain de Benoist \u00f6nc\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcnde kurularak d\u00f6nemin en \u00f6nemli tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131na liderlik etti ve sonras\u0131nda gelen sa\u011f ak\u0131mlar\u0131 derinden etkiledi. \u00d6zellikle neo-paganizm vurgusu ilgimi \u00e7ekti. Alexander Raynor ise ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z bir tarih\u00e7i, \u00e7evirmen ve yazar olarak Arktos Journal\u2019a d\u00fczenli katk\u0131da bulunuyor; ayn\u0131 zamanda Substack\u2019te yay\u0131mlanan European New Right Revue’\u00fcn (http:\/\/nouvelledroite.substack.com) genel yay\u0131n y\u00f6netmenli\u011fini… Continue reading →<\/span><\/a><\/span><\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":2364,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_jetpack_memberships_contains_paid_content":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[58,1],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-2362","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-gorus","category-roportajlar"],"yoast_head":"\nAlexander Raynor: GRECE hareketi, ilerici liberalizmin k\u00fclt\u00fcrel h\u00e2kimiyetine, Amerikan etkisine, dekolonizasyon s\u00fcre\u00e7lerine ve \u00e7okk\u00fclt\u00fcrl\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn y\u00fckseli\u015fine kar\u015f\u0131 bir tepki olarak ortaya \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131 - Eren Ye\u015filyurt<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/erenyesilyurt.com\/index.php\/2025\/04\/27\/alexander-raynor-grece-hareketi-ilerici-liberalizmin-kulturel-hakimiyetine-amerikan-etkisine-dekolonizasyon-sureclerine-ve-cokkulturlulugun-yukselisine-karsi-bir-tepki-olarak-ortaya-cikti\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Alexander Raynor: GRECE hareketi, ilerici liberalizmin k\u00fclt\u00fcrel h\u00e2kimiyetine, Amerikan etkisine, dekolonizasyon s\u00fcre\u00e7lerine ve \u00e7okk\u00fclt\u00fcrl\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn y\u00fckseli\u015fine kar\u015f\u0131 bir tepki olarak ortaya \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131 - Eren Ye\u015filyurt\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"Avrupa Sa\u011f\u0131 i\u00e7inde GRECE hareketi, Alain de Benoist \u00f6nc\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcnde kurularak d\u00f6nemin en \u00f6nemli tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131na liderlik etti ve sonras\u0131nda gelen sa\u011f ak\u0131mlar\u0131 derinden etkiledi. \u00d6zellikle neo-paganizm vurgusu ilgimi \u00e7ekti. 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Alexander Raynor ise ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z bir tarih\u00e7i, \u00e7evirmen ve yazar olarak Arktos Journal\u2019a d\u00fczenli katk\u0131da bulunuyor; ayn\u0131 zamanda Substack\u2019te yay\u0131mlanan European New Right Revue’\u00fcn (http:\/\/nouvelledroite.substack.com) genel yay\u0131n y\u00f6netmenli\u011fini... 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