{"id":2418,"date":"2025-06-16T11:09:50","date_gmt":"2025-06-16T08:09:50","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/erenyesilyurt.com\/?p=2418"},"modified":"2025-06-25T17:17:33","modified_gmt":"2025-06-25T14:17:33","slug":"francesco-giasi-gramsciye-gore-hegemonya-her-seyden-once-politik-yonetime-denk-duser","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/erenyesilyurt.com\/index.php\/2025\/06\/16\/francesco-giasi-gramsciye-gore-hegemonya-her-seyden-once-politik-yonetime-denk-duser\/","title":{"rendered":"Francesco Giasi: Gramsci\u2019ye g\u00f6re \u201chegemonya\u201d her \u015feyden \u00f6nce siyasi y\u00f6netimle e\u015fanlaml\u0131d\u0131r"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

Gramsci, ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z y\u00fczy\u0131lda fikirleriyle d\u00fcnya siyasetini derinden etkilemi\u015f en \u00f6nemli d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcrlerden biri. \u201cK\u00fclt\u00fcrel hegemonya\u201d kavram\u0131 dikkate al\u0131nmadan siyaset d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesi ortaya koymak neredeyse imk\u00e2ns\u0131z. Gramsci\u2019nin fikirleri, sa\u011f ve sol siyaset ayr\u0131mlar\u0131n\u0131 a\u015farak farkl\u0131 kesimlerden geni\u015f bir ilgi g\u00f6r\u00fcyor. Gramsci Vakf\u0131<\/a> Genel Sekreteri Francesco Giasi ile Gramsci\u2019nin d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnsel miras\u0131 \u00fczerine konu\u015ftuk.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Gramsci Vakf\u0131<\/em><\/strong><\/a>\u2019n\u0131n misyonundan ve son d\u00f6nemdeki faaliyetlerinden bahsedebilir misiniz? Vak\u0131f, Gramsci\u2019nin entelekt\u00fcel miras\u0131n\u0131 g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde korumak ve yeniden yorumlamak i\u00e7in nas\u0131l bir rol \u00fcstleniyor<\/em><\/strong>?<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n

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Antonio Gramsci<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n<\/div>\n\n\n

Gramsci Vakf\u0131, bir k\u00fclt\u00fcr ve ara\u015ft\u0131rma kurumu olup, \u0130talya\u2019n\u0131n yirminci y\u00fczy\u0131l siyasi ve k\u00fclt\u00fcrel tarihine dair kaynaklar\u0131n muhafaza edilip incelendi\u011fi bir yer. Antonio Gramsci\u2019nin entelekt\u00fcel miras\u0131n\u0131 de\u011ferlendirmek ve i\u015f\u00e7i hareketinin tarihine dair ara\u015ft\u0131rmalar\u0131 te\u015fvik etmek amac\u0131yla 1950 y\u0131l\u0131nda kuruldu. Vak\u0131f, Gramsci\u2019nin “Hapishane Defterleri”ni, \u0130talyan Kom\u00fcnist Partisi\u2019nin tarihi ar\u015fivini ve partinin \u00f6nde gelen liderlerinin belgelerini sakl\u0131yoruz. Y\u0131llar i\u00e7inde, \u0130talyan soluna ait di\u011fer kurulu\u015flar\u0131n belgelerini ve \u00e7e\u015fitli siyaset\u00e7i ve k\u00fclt\u00fcr insanlar\u0131n\u0131n ki\u015fisel ar\u015fivlerini de b\u00fcnyesine katt\u0131. Son on y\u0131lda giderek artan \u015fekilde 200\u2019den fazla ar\u015fiv topland\u0131 ve yakla\u015f\u0131k 220 bin ciltten olu\u015fan bir k\u00fct\u00fcphane ara\u015ft\u0131rmac\u0131lara sunuldu. K\u00fclt\u00fcr Bakanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 taraf\u0131ndan “tarihsel \u00f6neme sahip” olarak de\u011ferlendirilen bu ar\u015fiv ve k\u00fct\u00fcphane miras\u0131n\u0131n korunmas\u0131 ve eri\u015filebilir k\u0131l\u0131nmas\u0131 i\u00e7in kataloglama, envanter olu\u015fturma, dijitalle\u015ftirme ve yay\u0131nlama gibi s\u00fcrekli faaliyetler y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fcyoruz. Belgelerin, gazetelerin, dergilerin ve kitaplar\u0131n \u00e7evrimi\u00e7i yay\u0131mlanmas\u0131 d\u00fcnyan\u0131n her yerinden ara\u015ft\u0131rmac\u0131lar i\u00e7in giderek daha b\u00fcy\u00fck kolayl\u0131k sa\u011flayacak. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Gramsci\u2019nin “Hapishane Defterleri”nden olu\u015fan yakla\u015f\u0131k \u00fc\u00e7 bin sayfal\u0131k t\u00fcm ar\u015fivi bug\u00fcn herkese a\u00e7\u0131k. Gramsci\u2019nin d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesinin uluslararas\u0131 alanda al\u0131mlanmas\u0131n\u0131 ara\u015ft\u0131rmak i\u00e7in kullan\u0131lan ara\u00e7lar aras\u0131nda, k\u0131rktan fazla dilde yay\u0131mlanm\u0131\u015f 23 binden fazla ba\u015fl\u0131\u011fa sahip olan ve 1922\u2019den itibaren olu\u015fturulan “Gramsci Bibliyografyas\u0131” dikkat \u00e7ekiyor. Vakf\u0131n dijitalle\u015ftirme ve yay\u0131nlama program\u0131 olduk\u00e7a iddial\u0131y\u0131z ve Gramsci\u2019nin kurup y\u00f6netti\u011fi gazetelerden ba\u015flayarak pek \u00e7ok derginin tam say\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131, ki\u015fisel ar\u015fivleri, foto\u011fraflar\u0131, afi\u015fleri, bro\u015f\u00fcrleri ve yaln\u0131zca vak\u0131fta bulunan belgeleri internet \u00fczerinden eri\u015filebilir h\u00e2le getirmi\u015ftir. Kaynaklar\u0131n de\u011ferlendirilmesine, tarih ara\u015ft\u0131rmalar\u0131na ve yayg\u0131nla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131na y\u00f6nelik faaliyetler, \u00fcniversiteler ve k\u00fclt\u00fcr enstit\u00fcleriyle yap\u0131lan \u00f6zel anla\u015fmalar ve ortak projelerle  hayata ge\u00e7iriyoruz. Bu ortak \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar; k\u00fclt\u00fcr portallar\u0131, web siteleri, ulusal ve uluslararas\u0131 konferanslar, belgesel sergileri ve tarih ve siyaset \u00fczerine d\u00fczenlenen halka a\u00e7\u0131k tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131 kaps\u0131yor. Gramsci\u2019nin d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesinin tan\u0131t\u0131lmas\u0131na y\u00f6nelik en \u00f6nemli projeler aras\u0131nda, pek \u00e7ok farkl\u0131 disiplinden onlarca akademisyenin kat\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 tam ve ele\u015ftirel yaz\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131n yay\u0131mland\u0131\u011f\u0131 kapsaml\u0131 yay\u0131n projesi bulunuyor.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Antonio Gramsci, \u201ck\u00fclt\u00fcrel hegemonya\u201d kavram\u0131yla neyi kastetmi\u015fti? Sizce, g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde k\u00fclt\u00fcrel \u00fcretim hala egemen s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n kontrol\u00fc alt\u0131nda m\u0131, yoksa bu hegemonyada \u00e7atlaklar m\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcyor?<\/strong><\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cK\u00fclt\u00fcrel hegemonya\u201d kavram\u0131 s\u0131kl\u0131kla yanl\u0131\u015f anla\u015f\u0131l\u0131r. Gramsci i\u00e7in \u201chegemonya\u201d \u00f6ncelikle siyasi y\u00f6nelimle e\u015f anlaml\u0131d\u0131r. Bir siyasi hareketi, bir dizi sosyal g\u00fcc\u00fc y\u00f6netebilen, yani iktidar\u0131 ele ge\u00e7irebilen ve r\u0131za ile muhafaza edebilenler hegemonya sahibidir. Bu nedenle, hegemony i\u00e7in s\u00fcrekli bir m\u00fccadele vard\u0131r. \u201cK\u00fclt\u00fcrel hegemonya\u201d ifadesi, \u201cHapishane Defterleri\u201dnde nadiren ge\u00e7er, ancak \u201chegemonya\u201d kavram\u0131 her yerde mevcuttur ve siyasi m\u00fccadelenin her y\u00f6n\u00fcn\u00fc kapsar. Hegemony i\u00e7in m\u00fccadele, ihtiya\u00e7lar ve \u00e7\u0131karlarla ilgili bir m\u00fccadeledir ve belirli bir siyasi bilince sahip, duygular ve beklentilerle hareket eden, bir d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm veya koruma program\u0131na ba\u011fl\u0131 olan ki\u015filer taraf\u0131ndan y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fcl\u00fcr. Siyasi m\u00fccadele her zaman ideolojiyle ilgilidir. \u201c\u0130deolojilerin sonu\u201d ve ideolojik olarak tan\u0131mlanan \u015feylerin de\u011fersizle\u015ftirilmesi \u00fczerine d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnceler, hi\u00e7bir temeli olmayan gazetecilik s\u00f6ylemlerinden kaynaklanmaktad\u0131r; bunlar, 19. y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n ikinci yar\u0131s\u0131ndan itibaren sosyalist hareketin savundu\u011fu idealleri ve de\u011ferleri ge\u00e7ersiz k\u0131lmak amac\u0131yla 20. y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n sonlar\u0131nda ortaya at\u0131lm\u0131\u015f \u201csa\u00e7mal\u0131klar\u201dd\u0131r. \u0130deolojiden yoksun bir birey, d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnceden, vicdandan, kesinliklerden (ve \u015f\u00fcphelerden), ahlaktan, korkulardan ve umutlardan yoksun olur. Gramsci, bireysel bilincin ve kamu ruhunun olu\u015fumuna katk\u0131da bulunan fakt\u00f6rlere dikkat \u00e7ekmi\u015ftir; ara\u015ft\u0131rma program\u0131, ekonomik determinizm ele\u015ftirisi ve tarihte \u00f6znelli\u011fin rol\u00fcn\u00fc tam olarak anlama gereklili\u011fi ile tamamen tutarl\u0131d\u0131r. O, \u00f6znelli\u011fi ihmal eden marksizmleri \u00e7\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fcrken, Marx’a, onun h\u00fcmanizmine ve tarihselcili\u011fine \u201cgeri d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u201d \u00f6nerir. Lenin’i, praksis ve irade \u00f6neminin fark\u0131nda olan, ekonomik ve mekanik\u00e7i g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015flerden etkilenmemi\u015f tek Marx yorumcusu olarak g\u00f6r\u00fcr. Hegemonya terimi de Lenin’in s\u00f6zl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcnden al\u0131nm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Gramsci’ye g\u00f6re, siyasi m\u00fccadele \u201cekonomik taban\u201d\u0131n otomatik bir yans\u0131mas\u0131 de\u011fildir ve Marksistlerin kulland\u0131\u011f\u0131 kavramlara ba\u015fvurursak, “altyap\u0131” ile “\u00fcstyap\u0131” aras\u0131nda her zaman kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131kl\u0131 bir ili\u015fki vard\u0131r. Gramsci’nin ara\u015ft\u0131rmas\u0131 bu nedenle, k\u00fclt\u00fcr ve bilgi, d\u00fcnya g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fleri, kesinlik ve de\u011fer sistemleri \u00fcretebilen, duyarl\u0131l\u0131k ve zevk \u00fczerinde etkili olabilen t\u00fcm \u00f6znelere odaklan\u0131r: okullar, \u00fcniversiteler, gazeteler ve dergiler, yay\u0131n evleri, tiyatrolar, k\u00fclt\u00fcr enstit\u00fcleri, bilim ve sanat akademileri ve elbette, hegemonyaya y\u00f6nelik m\u00fccadelenin s\u00fcrekli bir par\u00e7as\u0131 olarak mitler ve ortak bir anlay\u0131\u015f \u00fcreten dini ve siyasi \u00f6rg\u00fctler.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

K\u00fclt\u00fcrel \u00fcretimin tamam\u0131n\u0131 kontrol etmek imkans\u0131zd\u0131r. Hi\u00e7bir devlet ve hi\u00e7bir \u201cegemen s\u0131n\u0131f\u201d bunu tekelinde tutamam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bu t\u00fcr iddialar ortaya \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, \u00e7atlaklar hemen belirginle\u015fir ve geni\u015fleme e\u011filimi g\u00f6sterir. Bug\u00fcn, televizyon ve gazeteler hala \u00f6nemli bir rol oynarken, yeni medyan\u0131n h\u0131zl\u0131 ve benzeri g\u00f6r\u00fclmemi\u015f bir \u015fekilde g\u00fc\u00e7lendi\u011fine tan\u0131k oluyoruz. \u201cEgemen s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u201d eski ve yeni fikirlerini yayan ajanslar ve \u00e7e\u015fitli yollarla hem sa\u011fda hem de solda prestij ve itibar kazanm\u0131\u015f, az ya da \u00e7ok etkili bireyler veya gruplar h\u00fck\u00fcm s\u00fcrmektedir. Demokratik siyasi \u00f6rg\u00fctler ise zor durumdad\u0131r, ger\u00e7e\u011fi ve de\u011ferleri savunmaktan, harekete ge\u00e7irmekten, organize etmekten, g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f ve duygular\u0131 y\u00f6nlendirmekten ve istikrara kavu\u015fturmaktan aciz kalacak kadar zay\u0131ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Pop\u00fclist h\u00fck\u00fcmetlerin k\u00fcresel y\u00fckseli\u015fi, medya tekellerinin bilgi \u00fczerindeki kontrol\u00fcn\u00fcn artmas\u0131 ve sosyal hareketlerin dijital platformlara kaymas\u0131 \u0131\u015f\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, Gramsci’nin \u201ck\u00fclt\u00fcrel hegemonyas\u0131\u201d ve \u201cpozisyon sava\u015f\u0131\u201d kavramlar\u0131n\u0131 nas\u0131l yeniden d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnmeliyiz?<\/strong><\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Gramsci’nin ele ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 konular, en \u00e7ok geli\u015ftirdi\u011fi temalar ve yaz\u0131lar\u0131nda sordu\u011fu sorular\u0131n \u00e7o\u011fu, \u015fa\u015f\u0131rt\u0131c\u0131 bir \u015fekilde g\u00fcncelli\u011fini korumaktad\u0131r. Gramsci, bizimkinden \u00e7ok farkl\u0131 bir d\u00fcnyay\u0131 tan\u0131m\u0131\u015f, foto\u011fraf, radyo ve sineman\u0131n potansiyelini hen\u00fcz a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a ortaya koyamad\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir d\u00f6nemde d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnm\u00fc\u015f ve hareket etmi\u015ftir. 1930’lar\u0131n ikinci yar\u0131s\u0131nda, on y\u0131ldan fazla hapis hayat\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fckten sonra \u00f6len bir siyasi liderdi ve onun d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesini, zorlamalara ba\u015fvurmadan ve onun bile form\u00fcle edemedi\u011fi sorulara cevaplar aramadan tarihsel bir ba\u011flama oturtmak gerekir. \u0130talya’da B\u00fcy\u00fck Sava\u015f’\u0131n ba\u015flang\u0131c\u0131ndan fa\u015fist diktat\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn kurulmas\u0131na kadar s\u00fcren \u015fiddetli siyasi m\u00fccadelenin ortas\u0131nda olgunla\u015fan d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesinin zenginli\u011fi ve derinli\u011fi tart\u0131\u015f\u0131lmaz. Bununla birlikte, onun zaman\u0131nda tamamen yeni ve d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fclemez olan \u00fcretim ve ileti\u015fim ara\u00e7lar\u0131 ve bi\u00e7imleri kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda, entelekt\u00fcellerin rol\u00fcne ili\u015fkin analizlerine neden bu kadar ilgi duyuldu\u011fu sorusu ak\u0131llara gelmektedir. Onun siyaset ve k\u00fclt\u00fcr hakk\u0131ndaki d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnceleri neden bu kadar canl\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcyor? Bana g\u00f6re, onun ideolojilere ve kolektif bilince, siyasi duygular\u0131 ve kamusal davran\u0131\u015flar\u0131 belirleyen fakt\u00f6rlere verdi\u011fi \u00f6nem \u00f6nemlidir. Bug\u00fcn\u00fcn medyas\u0131, bilin\u00e7 olu\u015fumuna katk\u0131da bulunan t\u00fcm fakt\u00f6rlerle birlikte onun ara\u015ft\u0131rmalar\u0131n\u0131n konusu olurdu. Yeni medyan\u0131n g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fc ve yayg\u0131nl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 iyi de\u011ferlendirerek, onun ara\u015ft\u0131rmalar\u0131n\u0131n d\u00fczeyine ula\u015fmak bizim g\u00f6revimizdir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cHegemonya\u201d terimi siyasi s\u00f6zl\u00fckten kaybolmayacak ve \u201chareket sava\u015f\u0131\u201d ile \u201cpozisyon sava\u015f\u0131\u201d aras\u0131ndaki ayr\u0131m hala ge\u00e7erli. Gramsci, siyaset kategorilerinin askeri sanattan aynen al\u0131namayaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 bir\u00e7ok kez belirtir, ancak bu iki sava\u015f t\u00fcr\u00fc aras\u0131ndaki ayr\u0131m\u0131, siyaset alan\u0131nda kar\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131ya gelme ve m\u00fccadele etme bi\u00e7imlerini anlamak i\u00e7in vazge\u00e7ilmez g\u00f6r\u00fcr. Demokratik m\u00fccadelede ve diktat\u00f6rl\u00fcklerde partiler ve hareketler s\u00fcrekli olarak kar\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131ya gelir ve k\u00fclt\u00fcr, fikirlerin olu\u015fumu, yarg\u0131lar ve ahlaki duygular gibi sorunlar g\u00f6z ard\u0131 edilemeyecek bir \u00f6nem kazan\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Gramsci, hegemonyan\u0131n konsens\u00fcs\u00fcn \u00fcretilmesi yoluyla s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fcld\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc vurguluyordu. Sizce bug\u00fcn toplumun geni\u015f kesimleri, belki de ger\u00e7ekte kendi \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131na hizmet etmeyen sistemleri neden desteklemeye devam ediyor?<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Halk s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n\u0131n \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n\u0131 temsil etmek i\u00e7in aday olmas\u0131 gereken partiler, yoksulluk, e\u015fitsizlik ve sosyal d\u0131\u015flanma nedeniyle ac\u0131 \u00e7ekenlerin en temel beklenti ve ihtiya\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131 anlamakta yetersiz kalmaktad\u0131r. Bu, i\u015fsizlik, i\u015fsizli\u011fin s\u00fcreklili\u011fi, d\u00fc\u015f\u00fck \u00fccretler ve sosyal g\u00fcvencenin yoklu\u011fundan kaynaklanan, hi\u00e7 de yeni olmayan sorunlard\u0131r. Sorunlar konut, sa\u011fl\u0131k, sosyal yard\u0131m, e\u011fitim ve ya\u015fam standartlar\u0131n\u0131n y\u00fckseltilmesiyle ilgilidir. Sosyalist hareket, insanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 birle\u015ftirmek i\u00e7in m\u00fccadele etti; b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde k\u00f6yl\u00fcler ve i\u015f\u00e7ilerden olu\u015fan halk s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131na daha fazla sayg\u0131nl\u0131k ve refah sa\u011flayan kazan\u0131mlar elde etti; alt s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n egemen s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n temsilcilerinin yerini alabilmesini ama\u00e7layan bir \u00f6zg\u00fcrle\u015fme hareketini destekledi; ihtiya\u00e7lara cevap verdi ve umutlar\u0131 besledi. Bug\u00fcn ilerici partiler, demokratik ve sosyalist gelene\u011fin temel de\u011ferlerini yeniden ortaya koyma yetene\u011fine sahip de\u011fildir: e\u015fitlik, dayan\u0131\u015fma, i\u015fbirli\u011fi, \u00f6zg\u00fcrle\u015fme, sosyal adalet, yani milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fi, \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131, s\u0131n\u0131f ve kast egemenli\u011fini besleyen k\u00fclt\u00fcrlere kar\u015f\u0131 koyabilecek t\u00fcm de\u011ferler. Gramsci, halkla \u201cduygusal ba\u011f\u201ddan bahseder ve bence bu uyumsuzluk, uluslararas\u0131 ba\u011flar\u0131 ve g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcz sorunlar\u0131na ili\u015fkin k\u00fcresel bir vizyonu olmayan demokratik partilerin yenilgilerinin temelinde yatmaktad\u0131r. Sadece, halk s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n\u0131n \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131na ili\u015fkin evrensel bir vizyon sunabilen ve tutarl\u0131 ve net programlar uygulayabilen siyasi g\u00fc\u00e7lerin yeniden canlanmas\u0131 (yeniden do\u011fu\u015fu) ile, d\u00fcnyan\u0131n her yerinde egoizme ve ayr\u0131l\u0131k\u00e7\u0131l\u0131\u011fa g\u00fc\u00e7 ve me\u015fruiyet kazand\u0131ran milliyet\u00e7i ve yabanc\u0131 d\u00fc\u015fman\u0131 sa\u011fc\u0131 g\u00fc\u00e7leri durdurabiliriz.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Gramsci, \u201corganik\u201d ve \u201cgeleneksel\u201d entelekt\u00fceller aras\u0131nda ayr\u0131m yapar. Bu ayr\u0131m bug\u00fcn ne kadar ge\u00e7erlidir? Sosyal medyadaki influencerlar, kamu entelekt\u00fcelleri veya k\u00fclt\u00fcr \u00e7al\u0131\u015fanlar\u0131 organik entelekt\u00fceller olarak kabul edilebilir mi? Geleneksel entelekt\u00fcellerin ise egemen yap\u0131lar\u0131 korumak veya d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrmek konusunda rol\u00fc nedir?<\/strong><\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bu konuda Gramsci’nin en ayd\u0131nlat\u0131c\u0131 metni, bence, 1926 Kas\u0131m\u0131nda tutuklanmadan \u00f6nce yazd\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve 1930’da s\u00fcrg\u00fcndeki yolda\u015flar\u0131 taraf\u0131ndan ilk kez yay\u0131nlanan G\u00fcney Sorunu \u00fczerine yazd\u0131\u011f\u0131 denemedir. Bu denemede Gramsci, \u00e7e\u015fitli \u201cgeleneksel\u201d entelekt\u00fcel kategorilerinin i\u015flevini a\u00e7\u0131kl\u0131yor, onlar\u0131 halk s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131 aras\u0131nda etkili k\u0131lan ba\u011flar\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131kl\u0131yor ve onlar\u0131n siyasi ve toplumsal de\u011fi\u015fimlere kar\u015f\u0131 pasiflik veya d\u00fc\u015fmanl\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 nas\u0131l belirleyebildiklerini tart\u0131\u015f\u0131yor. \u0130talya’n\u0131n birle\u015fmesinden sonra daha da belirgin hale gelen Kuzey ve G\u00fcney aras\u0131ndaki ekonomik u\u00e7urumun yol a\u00e7t\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcms\u00fcz \u201cG\u00fcney sorunu\u201d kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda Gramsci, elli y\u0131ld\u0131r sadece entelekt\u00fcel \u00e7evrelerde s\u00fcren tart\u0131\u015fmalar ile entelekt\u00fcel d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnceyi ve siyasi eylemi birle\u015ftirerek halk s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n\u0131 de\u011fi\u015fimin \u00f6znesi haline getirmeyi ama\u00e7layan bir siyasi partinin getirdi\u011fi yenili\u011fi kar\u015f\u0131la\u015ft\u0131r\u0131r. \u00d6zetle, bir siyasi hareketle ba\u011flant\u0131s\u0131 olmayan entelekt\u00fceller her zaman az \u00e7ok geleneksel bir i\u015flev g\u00f6r\u00fcrler. Entelekt\u00fcel, bir sosyal s\u0131n\u0131fa aittir ve bu nedenle aristokrasi ve burjuvazinin de kendi entelekt\u00fcelleri vard\u0131r: onun bak\u0131\u015f a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131na g\u00f6re, her zaman d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm veya muhafazakarl\u0131k i\u00e7in m\u00fccadele eden sosyal s\u0131n\u0131flara aittir. Gramsci, tek tek entelekt\u00fcellerin \u00f6nemini asla k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fcmsememi\u015ftir, ancak onlar\u0131n ilerici veya gerici i\u015flevlerinin, ideal ve siyasi ak\u0131mlara ba\u011fl\u0131l\u0131klar\u0131ndan kaynakland\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6stermi\u015ftir. Her hal\u00fckarda, yaln\u0131zca bir siyasi hareket, halk s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131na bir program\u0131 izleyerek ilerici eylemler ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirme g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fc verebilir. Ayn\u0131 zamanda, entelekt\u00fcel ideal ve siyasi bir harekete ba\u011fl\u0131 de\u011filse, tutarl\u0131 ve s\u00fcrekli bir \u015fekilde siyasi olarak olumlu bir i\u015flev g\u00f6remez.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Gramsci neden \u201cmodern prens\u201d kavram\u0131n\u0131 ortaya att\u0131? Bu fikri form\u00fcle ederken Machiavelli’den nas\u0131l ilham ald\u0131 ve ondan nas\u0131l ayr\u0131ld\u0131?<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Gramsci i\u00e7in modern prens, siyasi parti ile e\u015fanlaml\u0131 kolektif \u00f6zne. Machiavelli’nin zaman\u0131ndaki siyaset ile bizimki (hem Gramsci’ninki hem de g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcz\u00fcnki) aras\u0131ndaki temel fark, siyasi liderlik i\u015flevlerinin bir ki\u015fiye atfedilememesi, bir bireyin ayr\u0131cal\u0131\u011f\u0131 olmamas\u0131d\u0131r. G\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde, siyasi parti, y\u00f6netimi \u00fcstlenmek i\u00e7in aday olan \u00f6znedir. Gramsci, Machiavelli \u00fczerine yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalarda, onu \u00f6ncelikle kendi zaman\u0131na yerle\u015ftirir. Onun \u201cher zaman i\u00e7in ge\u00e7erli\u201d olarak kabul edilmesini kabul etmez. Onu, 15. ve 16. y\u00fczy\u0131llar aras\u0131nda \u0130talya ve Avrupa ba\u011flam\u0131nda incelenmesi gereken bir teorisyen ve politikac\u0131 olarak g\u00f6r\u00fcr. Hapis hayat\u0131n\u0131n ilk y\u0131l\u0131nda, 1927’de, Machiavelli’nin \u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fcn d\u00f6rt y\u00fcz\u00fcnc\u00fc y\u0131ld\u00f6n\u00fcm\u00fc vesilesiyle yay\u0131nlanan makalelerin \u00e7o\u011funu okuma f\u0131rsat\u0131 buldu. Yazma izni ald\u0131ktan sonra, Ocak 1929’da bunlar\u0131 dosyalad\u0131 ve yorumlad\u0131, hem Machiavelli’nin eserleri hem de miras\u0131 \u00fczerine bir d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce s\u00fcreci ba\u015flatt\u0131. Machiavelli \u00fctopyalar\u0131 ele\u015ftirir ve Gramsci’ye g\u00f6re \u201csiyasetin temellerini atar\u201d ve siyasi m\u00fccadeleyi \u201cger\u00e7ek\u00e7ilik a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan\u201d de\u011ferlendirir. Gramsci’ye g\u00f6re Machiavelli, bo\u015f vaatler ve \u201chayalperestlik\u201din en radikal ele\u015ftirmenidir. Siyaset\u00e7i, ara\u00e7larla ama\u00e7lar\u0131 birbirine ba\u011flayabilmeli ve \u00fctopyalar\u0131 ve hayalleri ger\u00e7eklikle kar\u0131\u015ft\u0131rmamal\u0131d\u0131r. Dahas\u0131, Gramsci, Machiavelli’ye, dinden tamamen kurtulmu\u015f ve bu nedenle Marx’\u0131n \u201cpraxis felsefesi\u201d ve \u201cneo-h\u00fcmanizm\u201d ile \u00f6zde\u015fle\u015ftirilebilen bir tarih anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131 atfeder. A\u015fk\u0131n g\u00fc\u00e7lerin yoklu\u011funda, Tanr\u0131’n\u0131n ilham verece\u011fi, kurtaraca\u011f\u0131 (ve cezaland\u0131raca\u011f\u0131) olmadan, insan\u0131n kaderi kendi elindedir. \u0130nsan i\u015flerine ilahi m\u00fcdahale olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 kabul edilirse, siyaset benzeri g\u00f6r\u00fclmemi\u015f bir \u00f6nem kazan\u0131r: her t\u00fcrl\u00fc kamu meselesini, her t\u00fcrl\u00fc sosyal sorunu ele almak ve \u00e7\u00f6zmekle y\u00fck\u00fcml\u00fcd\u00fcr. Machiavelli, siyaseti bir bilim ve eylem olarak yeni temellere oturtan, onu insanc\u0131lla\u015ft\u0131ran ve ara\u00e7lar\u0131 uyumla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lacak somut hedeflerle ili\u015fkilendiren yazard\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Gramsci’ye gelince, onun Machiavelli’nin biyografisi ve yaz\u0131lar\u0131 i\u00e7in benimsedi\u011fi kriterlere ba\u015fvurmak gerekir: O, kendi zaman\u0131na ait bir d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcr ve eylem adam\u0131 olarak g\u00f6r\u00fclmelidir, ancak bize hala yararl\u0131 ve verimli tarihsel-politik fikirler ve kategoriler sunabilen biridir.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Gramsci, ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z y\u00fczy\u0131lda fikirleriyle d\u00fcnya siyasetini derinden etkilemi\u015f en \u00f6nemli d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcrlerden biri. \u201cK\u00fclt\u00fcrel hegemonya\u201d kavram\u0131 dikkate al\u0131nmadan siyaset d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesi ortaya koymak neredeyse imk\u00e2ns\u0131z. Gramsci\u2019nin fikirleri, sa\u011f ve sol siyaset ayr\u0131mlar\u0131n\u0131 a\u015farak farkl\u0131 kesimlerden geni\u015f bir ilgi g\u00f6r\u00fcyor. Gramsci Vakf\u0131 Genel Sekreteri Francesco Giasi ile Gramsci\u2019nin d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnsel miras\u0131 \u00fczerine konu\u015ftuk. Gramsci Vakf\u0131\u2019n\u0131n misyonundan ve son d\u00f6nemdeki… Continue reading →<\/span><\/a><\/span><\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":2424,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_jetpack_memberships_contains_paid_content":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[58,1],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-2418","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-gorus","category-roportajlar"],"yoast_head":"\nFrancesco Giasi: Gramsci\u2019ye g\u00f6re \u201chegemonya\u201d her \u015feyden \u00f6nce siyasi y\u00f6netimle e\u015fanlaml\u0131d\u0131r - Eren Ye\u015filyurt<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/erenyesilyurt.com\/index.php\/2025\/06\/16\/francesco-giasi-gramsciye-gore-hegemonya-her-seyden-once-politik-yonetime-denk-duser\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Francesco Giasi: Gramsci\u2019ye g\u00f6re \u201chegemonya\u201d her \u015feyden \u00f6nce siyasi y\u00f6netimle e\u015fanlaml\u0131d\u0131r - Eren Ye\u015filyurt\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"Gramsci, ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z y\u00fczy\u0131lda fikirleriyle d\u00fcnya siyasetini derinden etkilemi\u015f en \u00f6nemli d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcrlerden biri. \u201cK\u00fclt\u00fcrel hegemonya\u201d kavram\u0131 dikkate al\u0131nmadan siyaset d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesi ortaya koymak neredeyse imk\u00e2ns\u0131z. Gramsci\u2019nin fikirleri, sa\u011f ve sol siyaset ayr\u0131mlar\u0131n\u0131 a\u015farak farkl\u0131 kesimlerden geni\u015f bir ilgi g\u00f6r\u00fcyor. Gramsci Vakf\u0131 Genel Sekreteri Francesco Giasi ile Gramsci\u2019nin d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnsel miras\u0131 \u00fczerine konu\u015ftuk. Gramsci Vakf\u0131\u2019n\u0131n misyonundan ve son d\u00f6nemdeki... 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Gramsci\u2019nin fikirleri, sa\u011f ve sol siyaset ayr\u0131mlar\u0131n\u0131 a\u015farak farkl\u0131 kesimlerden geni\u015f bir ilgi g\u00f6r\u00fcyor. Gramsci Vakf\u0131 Genel Sekreteri Francesco Giasi ile Gramsci\u2019nin d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnsel miras\u0131 \u00fczerine konu\u015ftuk. Gramsci Vakf\u0131\u2019n\u0131n misyonundan ve son d\u00f6nemdeki... 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