{"id":2507,"date":"2025-07-24T00:29:30","date_gmt":"2025-07-23T21:29:30","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/erenyesilyurt.com\/?p=2507"},"modified":"2026-03-07T21:28:45","modified_gmt":"2026-03-07T18:28:45","slug":"s-sayyid-cagdas-islamciligin-onundeki-temel-meydan-okuma-islamofobiyle-mucadele-edecek-kolektif-iradeyi-nasil-olusturacagidir","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/erenyesilyurt.com\/index.php\/2025\/07\/24\/s-sayyid-cagdas-islamciligin-onundeki-temel-meydan-okuma-islamofobiyle-mucadele-edecek-kolektif-iradeyi-nasil-olusturacagidir\/","title":{"rendered":"S.Sayyid: \u00c7a\u011fda\u015f \u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n \u00f6n\u00fcndeki temel meydan okuma, \u0130slamofobiyle m\u00fccadele edecek kolektif iradeyi nas\u0131l olu\u015fturaca\u011f\u0131d\u0131r"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

S.\u202fSayyid, \u00e7a\u011f\u0131m\u0131z\u0131n \u00f6nde gelen M\u00fcsl\u00fcman entelekt\u00fcellerinden biri. T\u00fcrk\u00e7eye kazand\u0131r\u0131lan Hilafeti Hat\u0131rlamak<\/a><\/em> ve Fundamentalizm Korkusu<\/a><\/em> kitaplar\u0131, hem \u0130slam\u202fd\u00fcnyas\u0131nda hem de Bat\u0131\u2019da \u00f6nemli tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n \u00f6n\u00fcn\u00fc a\u00e7t\u0131. Yo\u011fun program\u0131 aras\u0131nda bize vakit ay\u0131ran Sayyid ile \u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131k, Gazze, muhafazak\u00e2r devrimcilik ve daha pek \u00e7ok meseleyi konu\u015ftuk.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bug\u00fcn hem M\u00fcsl\u00fcman topluluklar hem de Bat\u0131l\u0131 yap\u0131lar \u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 ya demode ya da tehlikeli bi\u00e7imde anakronik ilan etme e\u011filimindeler. Oysa \u201c\u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131k\u201d, \u00e7o\u011ful, \u00e7ok katmanl\u0131 bir entelekt\u00fcel ve siyasi gelenektir. Bug\u00fcn\u00fcn d\u00fcnyas\u0131nda \u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131ktan ne anlamal\u0131y\u0131z? Bu terim h\u00e2l\u00e2 gelece\u011fe d\u00f6n\u00fck bir vizyon ta\u015f\u0131yor mu, yoksa art\u0131k sadece nostaljik bir kal\u0131nt\u0131 m\u0131?<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n

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\u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n sonunun geldi\u011fi, neredeyse daha bir olgu olarak tan\u0131mland\u0131\u011f\u0131 andan itibaren d\u00fczenli ve s\u0131k aral\u0131klarla \u00f6ng\u00f6r\u00fclm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr. Bu \u00f6ng\u00f6r\u00fclerin yanl\u0131\u015f \u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131 astrolojik de\u011fil epistemolojiktir. Bat\u0131 d\u0131\u015f\u0131 tarih ve toplumlara dair anlay\u0131\u015flar\u0131n \u00e7e\u015fitli oryantalizmlerle doygunluk kazanm\u0131\u015f olmas\u0131ndan kaynaklan\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bu nedenle, sorunuzun \u00f6nc\u00fcl\u00fcne kat\u0131l\u0131yorum: \u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131k ger\u00e7ekten de \u00e7o\u011ful, karma\u015f\u0131k, \u00e7ok katmanl\u0131 bir entelekt\u00fcel-ahlaki-siyasi y\u00f6nelimdir. Ancak bu y\u00f6nelim, oryantalizmin g\u00f6lgesinde var olur. Oryantalizm sadece akademik bir maraz de\u011fil; ayn\u0131 zamanda d\u00fcnya genelindeki politika yap\u0131c\u0131 \u00e7evrelere ve kanaat \u015fekillendirici se\u00e7kinlere derinden i\u015flemi\u015ftir. Bu nedenle, \u00f6zellikle siyasi bir \u00f6znele\u015fme arzusu ta\u015f\u0131yan M\u00fcsl\u00fcmanl\u0131k bi\u00e7imleri, oryantalizmin arka plan\u0131nda de\u011ferlendirilir. Oryantalizm ba\u011flam\u0131nda, Bat\u0131\u2019n\u0131n tarihsel geli\u015fme telosunu yans\u0131tmayan bir M\u00fcsl\u00fcmanl\u0131k, tehlikeli ve nihayetinde beyhude bir anakronizm olarak g\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcr.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Oryantalizm, \u0130slamofobi ate\u015fine odun ta\u015f\u0131makla kalmaz; ayn\u0131 zamanda \u0130slam co\u011frafyas\u0131nda Kemalizm bi\u00e7imine b\u00fcr\u00fcnerek \u0130slamile\u015fmi\u015f k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fcn  ifade bi\u00e7imlerini yeniden yap\u0131land\u0131rmaya giri\u015fir. Bu \u00e7er\u00e7evede M\u00fcsl\u00fcmanl\u0131k, teknokratlar eliyle \u015fekillenen gelecekte \u00f6nemsiz bir ayr\u0131nt\u0131ya indirgenir\u2014bu teknokratlar ister Bat\u0131’da ister yerel kurumlarda e\u011fitilmi\u015f olsun. Kemalizmin mant\u0131\u011f\u0131, M\u00fcsl\u00fcmanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n belirgin bi\u00e7imde varl\u0131k g\u00f6sterdi\u011fi t\u00fcm toplumlarda ve cemaatlerde g\u00f6r\u00fclebilir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u0130slamc\u0131lar, s\u0131kl\u0131kla bu Kemalist ayart\u0131ya kar\u015f\u0131 direnmekte zorlanm\u0131\u015flard\u0131r. Bunun nedeni, Kemalizmin \u00e7o\u011fu M\u00fcsl\u00fcman \u00fclkenin tecr\u00fcbe etti\u011fi kolonyal-\u0131rk\u00e7\u0131 d\u00fczenle kusursuz bir uyum i\u00e7inde olmas\u0131d\u0131r. Ayr\u0131ca, bu kolonyal-\u0131rk\u00e7\u0131 mant\u0131k, Avrupa kolonyalist imparatorluklar\u0131n\u0131n bi\u00e7imsel olarak sona ermesiyle ortadan kalkmam\u0131\u015f; postkolonyal d\u00fczenin damarlar\u0131na i\u015flemi\u015ftir. Kemalizmin tezah\u00fcr\u00fc olan bu devaml\u0131l\u0131kla m\u00fccadele etme y\u00fck\u00fc, \u00e7o\u011funlukla \u0130slamc\u0131 sezgiler ta\u015f\u0131yan bireylere d\u00fc\u015fm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr; bu m\u00fccadele, tutarl\u0131 bir \u0130slamc\u0131 teoriye dayanmaz.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00d6rne\u011fin, \u0130slamofobi, devlet ya da politik ekonomi gibi konularda geli\u015fmi\u015f bir \u0130slamc\u0131 teoriden s\u00f6z etmek zordur. Bilginin \u0130slamile\u015ftirilmesine dair son d\u00f6nemdeki iyi niyetli \u00e7abalar bile, Ng\u0169g\u0129 wa Thiong\u2019o\u2019nun kitab\u0131n\u0131n ba\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6d\u00fcn\u00e7 al\u0131rsak, zihnin kolonizasyondan kurtar\u0131lmas\u0131na \u00e7ok az katk\u0131 sa\u011flam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bunlar \u00e7o\u011funlukla “Bat\u0131 dili”ni \u0130slam co\u011frafyas\u0131na uygun g\u00f6r\u00fcnen bir dile terc\u00fcme etmekten \u00f6teye ge\u00e7memekte ve bunu da “dekolonizasyon” olarak sunmaktad\u0131r. Teorinin sa\u011flayaca\u011f\u0131 harita ve pusula olmadan, oryantalizmin olu\u015fturdu\u011fu varsay\u0131lan ayarlara geri d\u00f6nme e\u011filimi do\u011far.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00c7a\u011fda\u015f \u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n \u00f6n\u00fcndeki temel meydan okuma, \u0130slamofobiyle m\u00fccadele edecek kolektif iradeyi nas\u0131l olu\u015fturaca\u011f\u0131d\u0131r. Bu \u0130slamofobi, \u0130slam co\u011frafyas\u0131ndaki Kemalizm bi\u00e7iminde tezah\u00fcr etmekte; Gharbzadegi (<\/em>Bat\u0131zede.Bat\u0131\u2019n\u0131n k\u00fclt\u00fcrel ve zihinsel etkisiyle sars\u0131lm\u0131\u015f, bu etki y\u00fcz\u00fcnden kimli\u011fini yitirmi\u015f, adeta \u201cBat\u0131 felaketine u\u011fram\u0131\u015f\u201d ki\u015fi)  ile  yo\u011frulmu\u015f bir k\u00fclt\u00fcrle beslenmekte; ve gezegen \u00e7ap\u0131ndaki \u0130slamofobi sava\u015f makinesiyle desteklenmektedir. Bu sava\u015f makinesi, \u015fiddetle m\u00fccadele programlar\u0131ndan ola\u011fan\u00fcst\u00fc iadelere, i\u015fkence d\u00fczenine ve hatta soyk\u0131r\u0131ma kadar uzanan \u00f6nlemlerle M\u00fcsl\u00fcmanca ifadelerini bast\u0131rmaktad\u0131r. Sayg\u0131n kaynaklardan da bildi\u011fimiz \u00fczere, Ter\u00f6re Kar\u015f\u0131 Sava\u015f<\/em>, be\u015f milyondan fazla M\u00fcsl\u00fcman\u0131n \u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcne yol a\u00e7m\u0131\u015f ve do\u011frudan askeri m\u00fcdahaleler ve yapt\u0131r\u0131mlar ya da dolayl\u0131 olarak M\u00fcsl\u00fcman halklara dayat\u0131lan, hatta desteklenen y\u0131rt\u0131c\u0131, kleptokratik zorbal\u0131klar arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla y\u0131k\u0131mlar yaratm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Sonu\u00e7 olarak, herhangi bir \u0130slamc\u0131 m\u00fcdahale k\u0131r\u0131lgand\u0131r; genellikle belirli ba\u011flamlarda kilit bireylerin sezgilerine dayan\u0131r. Bu bireyler, \u00e7o\u011funlukla \u015fekillenmemi\u015f ama kararl\u0131 bir kolektif iradenin taleplerini y\u00f6nlendirme sorumlulu\u011funu ve k\u0131r\u0131lganl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ta\u015f\u0131r. \u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131k, \u00fcretici bir devlet ve k\u00fclt\u00fcr y\u00f6netimi becerisi geli\u015ftirmekte zorlanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. \u0130slam merkezli bir kolektif iradeyi g\u00fc\u00e7lendirecek bir kadro in\u015fa edilememi\u015ftir. B\u00f6yle bir kadro, oryantalizmin etkisini da\u011f\u0131tmal\u0131 ve \u0130slamofobiyle her bi\u00e7imde\u2014jeopolitik, sosyoekonomik ve kavramsal d\u00fczeyde\u2014m\u00fccadele etmelidir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ke\u015fmirli, Uygur ve Rohingyalar\u0131n u\u011frad\u0131\u011f\u0131 etnik temizlik ile Filistin\u2019deki soyk\u0131r\u0131m kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda M\u00fcsl\u00fcman liderlerin sergiledi\u011fi eylemsizlik, y\u00f6netenlerle y\u00f6netilenler aras\u0131ndaki u\u00e7urumu ac\u0131mas\u0131zca g\u00f6zler \u00f6n\u00fcne sermi\u015ftir; bu u\u00e7urum mutlaka kapat\u0131lmal\u0131d\u0131r. D\u00fcnyan\u0131n bir k\u00f6\u015fesinde M\u00fcsl\u00fcmanlar\u0131 koruyamamak, M\u00fcsl\u00fcmanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n d\u00fcnyan\u0131n her yerinde tehdit alt\u0131na girmesine yol a\u00e7ar.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131k bug\u00fcn insanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n kar\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131ya oldu\u011fu b\u00fcy\u00fck krizlere\u2014ahlaki \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f, ekolojik y\u0131k\u0131m ve epistemik tekelle\u015fme\u2014nas\u0131l yan\u0131t veriyor? Sek\u00fcler-sol ya da liberal siyaset \u00e7er\u00e7evelerinin \u00f6tesinde \u00f6zg\u00fcn bir alternatif sunabilir mi?<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n

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Hepimizin kar\u015f\u0131la\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 zorluklardan biri “insanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n kar\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131ya oldu\u011fu b\u00fcy\u00fck krizi belirlemek”tir. Bu krizlerin baz\u0131lar\u0131 s\u00fcreklidir; \u00f6rne\u011fin, insanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n bir kesiminin “ahlaki \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015ften” \u015fikayet etmedi\u011fi bir zaman ne zamand\u0131 ki? Di\u011ferleri g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc kurumlar taraf\u0131ndan izlenen politika ve paradigmalar\u0131n de\u011fi\u015fiminden kaynaklan\u0131rken, baz\u0131lar\u0131 da \u00e7o\u011fu politika yap\u0131c\u0131n\u0131n oda\u011f\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6tesinde g\u00f6r\u00fcnen uzun vadeli e\u011filimlerden ortaya \u00e7\u0131kar.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n b\u00fcy\u00fck krizlere anlaml\u0131 bi\u00e7imde kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k verebilmesi i\u00e7in, \u00f6nce bu krizlerin neler oldu\u011fu ve bunlara neyin yol a\u00e7t\u0131\u011f\u0131 konusunda netlik gerekir. Her iki g\u00f6rev de s\u00fcrekli bir entelekt\u00fcel ve k\u00fclt\u00fcrel emek ister. Ne var ki \u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n bir kez daha sona erdi\u011fini ilan etme ya da post\u2011\u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131k hayaletini pazarlama tela\u015f\u0131 i\u00e7inde, \u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n sa\u011fa, sek\u00fcler sola ve liberal siyasete (Gazzedeki soyk\u0131r\u0131m\u0131n g\u00f6lgesinde \u201cliberal\u201din ne anlama geldi\u011fi ayr\u0131 mesele) ciddi meydan okumalar y\u00f6nelten y\u00f6nleri kolayca g\u00f6zden ka\u00e7abilir. Bu unutkanl\u0131k, Frans\u0131z Devrimi’nin bize miras b\u0131rakt\u0131\u011f\u0131 o bildik siyasi zihin haritas\u0131n\u0131n, \u0130slam d\u00fcnyas\u0131ndaki siyasi duru\u015f ve tarihleri kavramakta yetersiz kalmas\u0131ndan ileri gelir. Ba\u015fka yaz\u0131lar\u0131mda da belirtti\u011fim gibi, devrimci Fransa’da do\u011fan Sa\u011f-Sol ayr\u0131m\u0131, M\u00fcsl\u00fcman kimli\u011finin siyasi dinamiklerine uyguland\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, \u0130ran \u0130slam Devrimi ile ge\u00e7erlili\u011fini yitirmi\u015ftir. \u00d6rne\u011fin, M\u00fcsl\u00fcmanlar, k\u00fcresel \u00e7apta liberal ve solcu olarak y\u00fcceltilen baz\u0131 yurtta\u015flar\u0131n\u0131n, \u0130slam’dan etkilendi\u011fi d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fclen halk hareketlerini bast\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131 s\u00fcrece askeri darbelere alk\u0131\u015f tutmas\u0131n\u0131 ve gaddar rejimleri desteklemesini b\u00fcy\u00fck bir ironi olarak g\u00f6rmektedir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bu nedenle, \u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131k i\u00e7in politika tasarlamaktan ziyade (ki bu her zaman vaziyete g\u00f6re de\u011fi\u015fen bir i\u015ftir; \u00fcstelik politikalar\u0131n \u201cyaz\u0131l\u0131m\u0131\u201d, uygulanmas\u0131n\u0131 sa\u011flayacak \u00f6rg\u00fctsel \u201cdonan\u0131m\u0131\u201d gerektirir) iklim tehdidine, kamu hizmetlerinin milyarder egemenli\u011fine kurban gitmesine, kural\u2011temelli uluslararas\u0131 d\u00fczenin \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f\u00fcne ve turbo h\u0131z\u0131yla y\u00fckselen etno\u2011milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fe kar\u015f\u0131 cevap \u00fcretmeye yarayacak ilkelere odaklanma imk\u00e2n\u0131 vard\u0131r. D\u00fcnyan\u0131n d\u00f6rt bir yan\u0131nda etkili seslerin giderek daha s\u0131k, bu sorunlar\u0131n (baz\u0131s\u0131 bunlar\u0131 sorun olarak bile g\u00f6rmez) ancak homojen etno\u2011devletler kurarak ve kabile \u00f6tesi adalet, merhamet ya da empati kavramlar\u0131n\u0131 terk ederek \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclebilece\u011fini savundu\u011funu duyuyoruz. Oysa bu, hi\u00e7bir \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm de\u011fildir. \u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n tart\u0131\u015fmaya a\u00e7abilece\u011fi \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm tasavvurlar\u0131 tam da bunlard\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bug\u00fcnk\u00fc k\u00fcresel etno\u2011milliyet\u00e7ilik e\u011filimi, beyaz r\u00f6van\u015fizmi, Hindutva, Han \u015fovenizmi, ultra\u2011Siyonizm ve \u00e7e\u015fitli Kemalizm tezah\u00fcrleri gibi, \u00f6zg\u00fcl tarihlerin ve b\u00f6lgesel ba\u011flamlar\u0131n \u015fekillendirdi\u011fi farkl\u0131 bi\u00e7imlerde ortaya \u00e7\u0131kar. Farkl\u0131l\u0131klar\u0131na ra\u011fmen bu etno\u2011milliyet\u00e7ilik bi\u00e7imleri ortak bir paydada bulu\u015fur: \u0130slamofobi. Etno\u2011milliyet\u00e7i s\u00f6ylemler, M\u00fcsl\u00fcmanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131t fig\u00fcrleri olarak kurar; zira M\u00fcsl\u00fcmanl\u0131k ulus\u2011devlet s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131na kolayca s\u0131\u011fd\u0131r\u0131lamaz.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Humeyn\u00ee\u2019nin bir zamanlar s\u00f6yledi\u011fi gibi, \u0130slam\u2019\u0131n s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131 yoktur. Bu t\u00fcr s\u00f6zler genellikle, M\u00fcsl\u00fcmanlar\u0131n kolektif (yani \u00fcmmet\u00e7e) hareket edememesiyle \u00e7eli\u015fti\u011fi, gizli bir yay\u0131lma arzusunu yans\u0131tt\u0131\u011f\u0131 ya da sadece bo\u015f laf oldu\u011fu gerek\u00e7esiyle reddedilir. Oysa t\u00fcm zorluklara ra\u011fmen, \u0130slamc\u0131 siyasal mant\u0131\u011f\u0131n m\u00fclteciler konusunda Kemalizm\u2019den \u00e7ok daha b\u00fcy\u00fck bir misafirperverlik g\u00f6sterdi\u011fi say\u0131s\u0131z \u00f6rnek mevcuttur; b\u00f6ylece etno\u2011milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fin \u00f6tesine ge\u00e7me iradesi somutla\u015f\u0131r. Son \u00f6rneklerden biri, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de AK Parti\u2019nin, kendi taban\u0131ndan da ciddi muhalefet g\u00f6rmesine ra\u011fmen Suriyeli m\u00fcltecilerin varl\u0131\u011f\u0131na izin vermeyi ve desteklemeyi s\u00fcrd\u00fcrmesidir. Benzer \u015fekilde, g\u00f6revden al\u0131nmadan \u00f6nce \u0130mran Han\u2019\u0131n Pakistan\u2019daki Afgan m\u00fcltecilere vatanda\u015fl\u0131k hakk\u0131 tan\u0131maya y\u00f6nelik \u00e7abalar\u0131 da zikredilebilir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131k, en parlak h\u00e2liyle, \u00e7o\u011fu M\u00fcsl\u00fcman\u0131n \u0130slam ser\u00fcvenini \u00f6zg\u00fcrle\u015ftirici adalet \u00f6rnekleri \u00fczerinden anlad\u0131\u011f\u0131 ufku geni\u015fletir. Bunu ba\u015farmak, yaln\u0131zca \u00fcmmet ba\u011f\u0131yla s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 bir M\u00fcsl\u00fcmanl\u0131k bi\u00e7imini geli\u015ftirmeyi gerektirir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n mant\u0131\u011f\u0131, Kemalist e\u011filimler taraf\u0131ndan h\u00e2l\u00e2 kar\u015f\u0131tl\u0131k g\u00f6rmektedir. \u00d6rne\u011fin Riyad\u2019daki mevcut y\u00f6neticiler, Nebat\u00ee miras\u0131n\u0131 Suudi rejimiyle ili\u015fkilendirmek amac\u0131yla \u0130sl\u00e2m\u202f\u00f6ncesi bir ge\u00e7mi\u015fi y\u00fccelterek ulusal tarih yaz\u0131m\u0131ndan \u0130sl\u00e2m\u2019\u0131 geri plana itmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmaktad\u0131r. (Benzer bir jest, \u0130ran\u2019\u0131n eski \u015fah\u0131 Muhammed R\u0131za Pehlevi taraf\u0131ndan da yap\u0131lm\u0131\u015f; \u0130sl\u00e2m Devrimi arifesinde \u201ckesintisiz\u201d 2.500 y\u0131ll\u0131k monar\u015fiyi kutlam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.) Benzer bi\u00e7imde Kazakistan\u2019da da devlet, \u00f6zellikle okullarda ve kamu kurumlar\u0131nda ba\u015f\u00f6rt\u00fcs\u00fc d\u00e2hil din\u00ee k\u0131yafetlere k\u0131s\u0131tlamalar getirmeyi tart\u0131\u015fm\u0131\u015f ya da hayata ge\u00e7irmi\u015ftir. Bu t\u00fcr politikalar\u0131n, Fransa, Avusturya, \u00c7in, Burma (Myanmar) ve Hindistan\u2019daki \u0130sl\u00e2mofobiyle kesi\u015ferek M\u00fcsl\u00fcmanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n ifade edili\u015fini \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131 bir tahakk\u00fcm alt\u0131na ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a g\u00f6r\u00fclebilir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

T\u00fcm bu \u00f6rnekler ve daha niceleri, etno\u2011milliyet\u00e7ilikle \u0130slamofobinin \u00e7o\u011fu zaman el ele gitti\u011fini g\u00f6sterir. Ayr\u0131ca, \u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n yaln\u0131zca genel toplumda de\u011fil, kendi saflar\u0131nda da etno\u2011milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fe itiraz etmesinin neden hayati oldu\u011funun alt\u0131n\u0131 \u00e7izer. Bu itiraz, etno\u2011milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fin ma\u011fdurlar\u0131na \u2014ister Hindistan, \u00c7in, Fransa, Avusturya, Amerika Birle\u015fik Devletleri\u2019nde, ister M\u00fcsl\u00fcmanistan\u2019daki Kemalist rejimler alt\u0131nda olsun\u2014 yaln\u0131zca dayan\u0131\u015fma beyan etmekle s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 kalmamal\u0131; ortak ilkelere dayal\u0131 toplumlar i\u00e7in k\u00fcresel bir vizyon sunmal\u0131, insanlara ama\u00e7 duygusu ve daha adil bir gelecek ihtimali vermelidir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Etno\u2011milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fe direnen, soyk\u0131r\u0131m\u0131 reddeden ve herkes i\u00e7in adalet ile onuru y\u00fccelten bir M\u00fcsl\u00fcmanl\u0131k in\u015fas\u0131 \u00fczerinden kendini tan\u0131mlayan bir \u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131k, mevcut konjonkt\u00fcrde elzemdir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

II. D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131 sonras\u0131nda Avrupa’daki muhafazak\u00e2r devrimci gelenek, \u00f6zellikle teknoloji ve sek\u00fclarizm ba\u011flam\u0131nda moderniteye y\u00f6nelik bir ele\u015ftiriyle ortaya \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131. Sizce g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcz \u0130slami hareketleri, hem siyasi eylem hem de entelekt\u00fcel miras a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan benzer bir rol \u00fcstlenebilir mi\u2014bir t\u00fcr “muhafazak\u00e2r devrim” bi\u00e7iminde?<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n

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\"\"<\/figure>\n<\/div>\n\n\n

Ben bunu biraz farkl\u0131 \u015fekilde ifade ediyorum. Bence \u00e7a\u011fda\u015f \u0130slamc\u0131lar\u0131n, \u0130slam co\u011frafyas\u0131ndaki toplumlar\u0131n \u00f6zg\u00fcrle\u015ftirici adaletin \u00f6rnekleri h\u00e2line nas\u0131l getirilece\u011fi \u00fczerine d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnmeleri b\u00fcy\u00fck bir gerekliliktir. \u00dcmmetin haline bak\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, bu b\u00fcy\u00fck bir hedef gibi g\u00f6r\u00fcnebilir. Ancak, \u0130slam’\u0131n meydan okumas\u0131 bu de\u011fil mi?<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Etkili bir d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm\u00fcn nas\u0131l sa\u011flanaca\u011f\u0131 \u00fczerine d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnmek, Avrupa-merkezcilik ve Oryantalizm \u00fczerine sa\u011flam bir ele\u015ftiriyi ve ayn\u0131 zamanda \u0130slamofobi ve Gharbzadegi<\/em> ile m\u00fccadeleye y\u00f6nelik pratik \u00e7abalar\u0131 gerektirir. Bu ad\u0131mlar, toplumsal d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm\u00fcn \u00f6n\u00fcn\u00fc a\u00e7mak i\u00e7in gereklidir\u2014adalete ba\u011fl\u0131, kendine g\u00fcvenen ve a\u00e7\u0131k y\u00fcrekli topluluklar\u0131n ortaya \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f\u0131na imk\u00e2n tan\u0131mak i\u00e7in.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ancak bu \u015feylerin hi\u00e7biri, bir toplumsal d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm stratejisi olmadan m\u00fcmk\u00fcn de\u011fildir ve b\u00f6yle bir strateji de, bir toplumsal de\u011fi\u015fim teorisi olmadan olu\u015fturulamaz. G\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczdeki \u0130slamc\u0131lar\u0131n d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm projesini ba\u015far\u0131yla in\u015fa edecek kolektif bir irade geli\u015ftirmek i\u00e7in y\u00f6nlendirici olabilecek anlaml\u0131 bir \u0130slamc\u0131 toplumsal de\u011fi\u015fim teorisinden haberdar de\u011filim.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Elbette g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcz \u0130slamc\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131n reform ve d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm i\u00e7in siyasi ve entelekt\u00fcel kaynaklar geli\u015ftirmeye ihtiyac\u0131 vard\u0131r. Fakat ben, s\u00f6zde \u201cmuhafazak\u00e2r devrim\u201d \u00e7er\u00e7evesinin bu konuda onlar i\u00e7in yararl\u0131 ya da uygun bir model oldu\u011funa ikna olmu\u015f de\u011filim. \u0130slamc\u0131lar\u0131n kar\u015f\u0131la\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 en \u00f6nemli zorluklardan biri, M\u00fcsl\u00fcmanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n \u00f6zerk ifadelerini sistematik olarak bast\u0131ran, derin \u015fekilde \u0130slamofobik bir uluslararas\u0131 d\u00fczendir. \u0130slamofobinin zemin kazanmad\u0131\u011f\u0131, politika yap\u0131c\u0131lar\u0131n ve kanaat \u00f6nderlerinin do\u011fal kabul edilen oryantalist varsay\u0131mlarla hareket etmedi\u011fi k\u00fcresel alanlar\u0131n say\u0131s\u0131 h\u0131zla azalmaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bu nedenle \u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n Avrupa\u2019daki \u201cmuhafazak\u00e2r devrim\u201dle analoji kurularak anla\u015f\u0131lmas\u0131 konusunda \u015f\u00fcpheliyim. \u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131kla muhafazak\u00e2r devrimci gelenek aras\u0131ndaki \u00f6nemli farklardan biri, \u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n Avrupa-merkezcilik kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda a\u00e7\u0131k bir ele\u015ftiri i\u00e7ermesidir. Buna kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k, Avrupa\u2019daki muhafazak\u00e2r devrimci gelenek \u00e7o\u011fu zaman, beyaz r\u00f6van\u015fist bir refleksle hareket etmi\u015f; s\u00f6m\u00fcrge kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 ve \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131k kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 m\u00fccadelelerin kazan\u0131mlar\u0131na ve \u00e7okk\u00fclt\u00fcrl\u00fc, post-emperyal bir d\u00fcnya in\u015fas\u0131na direnmi\u015ftir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayr\u0131ca, muhafazak\u00e2r devrim nihayetinde uluslararas\u0131 d\u00fczenle uyum i\u00e7inde olmu\u015f ve ondan fayda sa\u011flam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r; \u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131k ise, Somali ve Tunus\u2019tan M\u0131s\u0131r ve Pakistan\u2019a kadar pek \u00e7ok \u00f6rnekte g\u00f6r\u00fcld\u00fc\u011f\u00fc \u00fczere, \u0130slamc\u0131 pozisyonlarla ancak dolayl\u0131 bir ili\u015fkisi olsa bile, s\u00fcrekli olarak engellenmi\u015ftir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

 Gazze\u2019de olanlar k\u00fcresel ahlaki bilin\u00e7te b\u00fcy\u00fck bir k\u0131r\u0131lma yaratt\u0131. Bu durum, \u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n s\u00f6ylemini ve kamusal etkisini gelecekte nas\u0131l \u015fekillendirebilir? \u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131k, bu t\u00fcr insani krizler kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda tutarl\u0131l\u0131k ve direni\u015f i\u00e7eren bir alan\u0131 yeniden in\u015fa edebilir mi?<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Gazze\u2019deki soyk\u0131r\u0131m\u0131n, bir tsunami ya da volkanik patlama gibi do\u011fal bir felaket sonucu ortaya \u00e7\u0131kan s\u0131radan bir insani kriz oldu\u011funu d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnm\u00fcyorum. Gazze\u2019deki soyk\u0131r\u0131m, baz\u0131 ba\u015f\u0131bozuk akt\u00f6rlerin de\u011fil, liderliklerinden ald\u0131klar\u0131 emirleri yerine getiren i\u015fgal g\u00fc\u00e7lerinin ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirdi\u011fi bir \u015feydir. ABD ve onun Avrupa Birli\u011fi\u2019ndeki, Orta Do\u011fu\u2019daki ve \u00f6tesindeki vekilleri taraf\u0131ndan desteklenmi\u015f ve kolayla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015f bir soyk\u0131r\u0131md\u0131r. Bu \u00fclkeler, Filistinli kad\u0131n, erkek ve \u00e7ocuklar\u0131n sistematik olarak katledilmesini s\u00fcrd\u00fcrmek i\u00e7in i\u015fgal g\u00fc\u00e7lerine silah ve gerek\u00e7eler sa\u011flam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Kendilerini uluslararas\u0131 liberal d\u00fczenin koruyucular\u0131 olarak ilan eden b\u00fcy\u00fck Bat\u0131l\u0131 pl\u00fctokrasiler (birka\u00e7 onurlu istisna d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda), soyk\u0131r\u0131m\u0131 yeniden donatm\u0131\u015f, istihbarat sa\u011flam\u0131\u015f, diplomatik koruma sunmu\u015f, uluslararas\u0131 anla\u015fmalar\u0131 savunmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan ki\u015fi ve kurumlara tehditlerde bulunmu\u015f ve bunlara g\u00f6zda\u011f\u0131 vermi\u015ftir; bir\u00e7ok durumda, kendi i\u00e7 hukuklar\u0131n\u0131 bile \u00e7i\u011fneyerek ve yurtta\u015flar\u0131yla aralar\u0131ndaki toplumsal s\u00f6zle\u015fmeyi ihlal ederek, soyk\u0131r\u0131ma kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kanlar\u0131 tehdit etmi\u015f ve tutuklam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bu bir insani kriz de\u011fil; kolonyalist-\u0131rk\u00e7\u0131 bir d\u00fczenin yeniden tesisi giri\u015fimidir. Guantanamo\u2019dan Gazze\u2019ye kadar, liberalizmin zafer d\u00f6neminde bile sivil ve insan haklar\u0131n\u0131n nas\u0131l baltaland\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6rd\u00fck. Bu nedenle, bu yaln\u0131zca bir insani kriz de\u011fildir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Gazze\u2019deki soyk\u0131r\u0131m, d\u00fcnya genelinde y\u00f6netenlerle y\u00f6netilenler aras\u0131nda b\u00fcy\u00fcyen d\u00fc\u015fmanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 keskinle\u015ftirmi\u015ftir. M\u00fcsl\u00fcman topluluklarda bu u\u00e7urum \u00f6zellikle dikkat \u00e7ekicidir. M\u00fcsl\u00fcman halklara kar\u015f\u0131 bir hesap verebilirlik hissi ta\u015f\u0131yan M\u00fcsl\u00fcmanistan\u2019daki h\u00fck\u00fcmetlerin, soyk\u0131r\u0131ma kar\u015f\u0131 tepkilerinde \u00e7ok daha a\u00e7\u0131k s\u00f6zl\u00fc olmas\u0131 \u015fa\u015f\u0131rt\u0131c\u0131 de\u011fildir. Otoriterler taraf\u0131ndan (ister \u00fcniforma, ister tak\u0131m elbise, ister ta\u00e7 taks\u0131nlar) y\u00f6netilen yerlerde ise, Filistin lehine protesto etme hayali bile kurulamamakta; hatta Gazze\u2019deki soyk\u0131r\u0131m\u0131n mimar\u0131n\u0131n ad\u0131n\u0131 ta\u015f\u0131yan bir kafeye bile itiraz edecek irade ve hayal g\u00fcc\u00fc bulunmamaktad\u0131r. Di\u011fer yerlerde ise, M\u00fcsl\u00fcman topluluklar ellerinden geldi\u011fince tepki g\u00f6stererek, soyk\u0131r\u0131m\u0131n tedarik\u00e7ileri olarak g\u00f6rd\u00fckleri ki\u015fi ve kurulu\u015flar\u0131n \u00fcr\u00fcn ve hizmetlerini boykot etmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015fm\u0131\u015flard\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bu yaln\u0131zca bir insani kriz de\u011fildir; bu, \u201cd\u00fcnya kurma\u201dya dair bir krizi temsil eder. Mevcut bi\u00e7imiyle d\u00fcnya art\u0131k anlaml\u0131 gelmemektedir. Gazze, k\u00fcresel \u00f6l\u00e7ekte gaslightingi (alg\u0131 manip\u00fclasyonunu) g\u00f6zler \u00f6n\u00fcne sermi\u015ftir. Bunlar yeni dersler de\u011fildir; kolonyalist-\u0131rk\u00e7\u0131 d\u00fczene direnenler taraf\u0131ndan zaten bilinmekteydi. Fanon\u2019un da belirtti\u011fi gibi, Bat\u0131 her yerde \u201cinsan haklar\u0131ndan\u201d s\u00f6z eder, ama gitti\u011fi her yerde insanlar\u0131 \u00f6ld\u00fcr\u00fcr. Kolonyalist-\u0131rk\u00e7\u0131 imparatorluklar\u0131n bi\u00e7imsel olarak sona ermesi, bir\u00e7ok insan\u0131 yeniden kolonile\u015ftirmenin art\u0131k m\u00fcmk\u00fcn olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131na inand\u0131rm\u0131\u015ft\u0131.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Fakat bug\u00fcn, k\u00fcresel \u0130slamofobinin yay\u0131lmas\u0131nda tan\u0131k oldu\u011fumuz \u015fey tam olarak budur. Belirli bir ba\u011flamda kolonyal-yerle\u015fimci bir rejim taraf\u0131ndan uygulanan politikalar\u0131n, ba\u015fka yerlerde e\u011fitim, te\u00e7hizat ve ideolojik gerek\u00e7elendirme yoluyla nas\u0131l aktar\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ve yeniden \u00fcretildi\u011fini g\u00f6rmekteyiz\u2014ortak \u00e7\u0131karlar, fikirler ve politikalar aras\u0131nda bir \u00f6rt\u00fc\u015fme vard\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Yine de, \u0130slamofobiye tutarl\u0131 ve korkusuzca kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131 gerekenler b\u00f6l\u00fcnm\u00fc\u015f veya fark\u0131nda de\u011fil. \u0130slamofobiyi, e\u011fer g\u00f6r\u00fcyorlarsa, sistematik de\u011fil, d\u00f6nemsel olarak g\u00f6rme e\u011filimindeler. Bir\u00e7ok \u0130slamc\u0131n\u0131n, retorik a\u015f\u0131r\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n \u00f6tesinde, M\u00fcsl\u00fcmanlar\u0131n eylemleriyle \u0130slamofobiye neden oldu\u011funa dair inanc\u0131n \u00f6tesinde \u0130slamofobiyi analiz edememesi, M\u00fcsl\u00fcmanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n bug\u00fcn kar\u015f\u0131la\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 zorluklar\u0131n tam derinli\u011fini ve kapsam\u0131n\u0131 kavramalar\u0131n\u0131 s\u0131n\u0131rlamaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Mevcut post-Bat\u0131l\u0131 ba\u011flamda, M\u00fcsl\u00fcmanl\u0131k, d\u00fcnyadaki \u00e7o\u011fulculu\u011fun  ihtimalini i\u00e7inde bar\u0131nd\u0131ran bir ta\u015f\u0131y\u0131c\u0131 h\u00e2line gelmi\u015ftir. E\u011fer \u0130slamc\u0131lar, Filistin\u2019deki adalet m\u00fccadelesinin, bir \u201cistekliler koalisyonu\u201dnu bir araya getirdi\u011fini fark edebilirlerse\u2014e\u011fer post-Bat\u0131l\u0131 bu an\u0131, ortak de\u011ferleri ku\u015fat\u0131c\u0131 etno-milliyet\u00e7iliklerin \u00f6tesinde bir gelece\u011fe y\u00f6nlendirebilirlerse\u2014yeni bir d\u00fcnya kurma projesinde hayati bir rol oynayabilirler.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Avrupa\u2019da ve di\u011fer b\u00f6lgelerde M\u00fcsl\u00fcman diasporalar giderek artan bir politik fark\u0131ndal\u0131k geli\u015ftiriyor. Sizce bu, \u201cyeni bir \u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131k\u201d potansiyeli ta\u015f\u0131yor mu, yoksa mevcut sistemlerin s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131 i\u00e7inde erimeye mi mahk\u00fbm?<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n

\n
\"\"<\/figure>\n<\/div>\n\n\n

M\u00fcsl\u00fcman diasporas\u0131n\u0131n, mevcut ulusal anlat\u0131lara basit\u00e7e entegre edilmek anlam\u0131nda asimile olmaya mahk\u00fbm oldu\u011funa inanm\u0131yorum. Asl\u0131nda Fransa, Avusturya, Birle\u015fik Krall\u0131k, Amerika Birle\u015fik Devletleri ve ba\u015fka yerlerdeki m\u00fccadeleler, M\u00fcsl\u00fcmanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 asimile etmeye de\u011fil, d\u0131\u015flamaya y\u00f6neliktir. Bu m\u00fccadelelerin nas\u0131l geli\u015fece\u011fi belirsizdir ve iyi niyetli insanlar\u0131n\u2014M\u00fcsl\u00fcman ya da gayrim\u00fcslim\u2014bu m\u00fccadelelere nas\u0131l kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k verece\u011fine ba\u011fl\u0131 olacakt\u0131r. Bu kampanyalar hedeflerine M\u00fcsl\u00fcmanlar\u0131 koyarak ba\u015flayabilir, ama zamanla t\u00fcm insanlar\u0131n y\u00f6neticilerini hesap vermeye zorlayabilme g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fc zay\u0131flat\u0131rlar. Burada mesele kader de\u011fil, stratejidir. Zira kaderimizi ancak Allah bilir. Strateji ise bizim bilmemiz gereken \u015feydir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ne yaz\u0131k ki, M\u00fcsl\u00fcman diasporas\u0131n\u0131n stratejik okuryazarl\u0131\u011f\u0131, M\u00fcsl\u00fcman \u00e7o\u011funluklu \u00fclkelerde bulunan d\u00fczeyden \u00e7ok da farkl\u0131 de\u011fildir. Diaspora da bir yanda tekfircilik ve mezhep\u00e7ilik, di\u011fer yanda teknokratik liberalizme y\u00f6nelik sayg\u0131l\u0131 bir duru\u015f aras\u0131nda s\u0131k\u0131\u015f\u0131p kalm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Polis tacizi ve medya bask\u0131s\u0131 yoluyla \u0130slamofobi\u2019nin, ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z M\u00fcsl\u00fcman sesler i\u00e7in alan\u0131 ne denli daraltt\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 hafife almamal\u0131y\u0131z. Bu durum, \u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n politik potansiyeli \u00fczerine ciddi bi\u00e7imde d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnmeyi zorla\u015ft\u0131rm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Politik olanaklar \u00fczerine stratejik d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnmek yerine, giderek \u00f6z-yard\u0131m (self-help) literat\u00fcr\u00fcnden yapay zek\u00e2ya ve \u201cmanosphere\u201d(erkeklerin toplumsal cinsiyet rolleri, mask\u00fclenite ve kad\u0131n-erkek ili\u015fkileri \u00fczerine tart\u0131\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131, genellikle \u00e7evrimi\u00e7i bir topluluk ve ideoloji a\u011f) ak\u0131mlar\u0131na, tarihsel cehalete ve rahatlat\u0131c\u0131 kli\u015felere y\u00f6nelen bir e\u011filim artmaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Yine de Hilafeti Hat\u0131rlamak<\/em> adl\u0131 \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmamda da savundu\u011fum gibi, M\u00fcsl\u00fcman diaspora, M\u00fcsl\u00fcmanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00e7ok daha heterojen bir bi\u00e7imde deneyimlemekte; M\u00fcsl\u00fcmanl\u0131k ifadeleri s\u0131kl\u0131kla daha \u00fcmmeti bir do\u011faya sahiptir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

K\u00fcresel Kuzey’deki diaspora ortamlar\u0131nda, M\u00fcsl\u00fcmanlar \u0130slamofobik beklentilerin aksine \u00f6nemli say\u0131larda oy kullan\u0131yor ve genellikle s\u00f6zde Sol partilere y\u00f6neliyorlar. Bunlar, yayg\u0131n olarak “woke” politikalar\u0131 ilerletmekle ili\u015fkilendirilen ve s\u0131kl\u0131kla M\u00fcsl\u00fcman de\u011ferlerine ayk\u0131r\u0131 olarak resmedilen ayn\u0131 partilerdir. Bu oy verme \u015fekli, M\u00fcsl\u00fcman diasporas\u0131n\u0131n siyasi olarak ilgili ve aktif oldu\u011funu g\u00f6steriyor.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Politik olman\u0131n belirleyici \u00f6zelli\u011fi, bireyin dar \u00e7\u0131kar anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6tesine ge\u00e7ebilmesi ve daha b\u00fcy\u00fck bir iyilik u\u011fruna m\u00fccadele etmesidir. Bir bak\u0131ma, siyasette kritik olan, egonun a\u015f\u0131lmas\u0131d\u0131r (elbette bu, siyaseti kendi egosunu tatmin etmenin arac\u0131 h\u00e2line getiren bir\u00e7ok profesyonel siyaset\u00e7i i\u00e7in ge\u00e7erli de\u011fildir). Politik olarak fark\u0131nda olmak, empati ve ortak bir kolektif iyilik duygusuna kat\u0131l\u0131m\u0131 i\u00e7erir. Bat\u0131l\u0131 pl\u00fctokrasilerdeki M\u00fcsl\u00fcman diaspora, kolonyalizm sonras\u0131 Convivencia<\/em>\u2019n\u0131n (birlikte ya\u015fama) etno-milliyet\u00e7i silinmesine kar\u015f\u0131 direni\u015fin \u00f6n saflar\u0131nda yer alm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u0130slamc\u0131 projenin bir par\u00e7as\u0131 da, \u0130slam\u2019\u0131n ve \u0130slam co\u011frafyas\u0131n\u0131n in\u015fas\u0131n\u0131n s\u00fcrekli bir ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131zl\u0131k ya da ahlaki \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f teleolojisi i\u00e7inde sunuldu\u011fu oryantalist tarih yaz\u0131m\u0131na ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 k\u0131rmak olmal\u0131d\u0131r. Critical Muslim Studies<\/em> gibi kolonyalizm-sonras\u0131 projelerin a\u00e7t\u0131\u011f\u0131 imk\u00e2nlar, \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f ve yozla\u015fma merkezli tarihsel a\u00e7\u0131klamalardan uzakla\u015fmak i\u00e7in yararl\u0131 olabilir\u2014zira bu a\u00e7\u0131klamalar, s\u0131radan M\u00fcsl\u00fcman kad\u0131n ve erkeklerin, farkl\u0131 topluluklar\u0131n bir arada geli\u015fti\u011fi d\u00fcnya-\u00f6l\u00e7ekli bir ya\u015fam tarz\u0131 in\u015fa etti\u011fini g\u00f6z ard\u0131 eder.Critical Muslim Studies, <\/em>baz\u0131 akademisyenlerin la Convivencia<\/em> olarak kutlad\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u015feyin yaln\u0131zca End\u00fcl\u00fcs\u2019e \u00f6zg\u00fc bir istisna de\u011fil; \u0130slam d\u00fcnyas\u0131 sisteminin b\u00fcy\u00fck b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcnde, b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde norm oldu\u011funu hat\u0131rlat\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

S. Sayyid, Leed \u00dcniversitesi. 
<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

S.\u202fSayyid, \u00e7a\u011f\u0131m\u0131z\u0131n \u00f6nde gelen M\u00fcsl\u00fcman entelekt\u00fcellerinden biri. T\u00fcrk\u00e7eye kazand\u0131r\u0131lan Hilafeti Hat\u0131rlamak ve Fundamentalizm Korkusu kitaplar\u0131, hem \u0130slam\u202fd\u00fcnyas\u0131nda hem de Bat\u0131\u2019da \u00f6nemli tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n \u00f6n\u00fcn\u00fc a\u00e7t\u0131. Yo\u011fun program\u0131 aras\u0131nda bize vakit ay\u0131ran Sayyid ile \u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131k, Gazze, muhafazak\u00e2r devrimcilik ve daha pek \u00e7ok meseleyi konu\u015ftuk. Bug\u00fcn hem M\u00fcsl\u00fcman topluluklar hem de Bat\u0131l\u0131 yap\u0131lar \u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 ya demode ya da… Continue reading →<\/span><\/a><\/span><\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":2512,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_jetpack_memberships_contains_paid_content":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[58,1],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-2507","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-gorus","category-roportajlar"],"yoast_head":"\nS.Sayyid: \u00c7a\u011fda\u015f \u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n \u00f6n\u00fcndeki temel meydan okuma, \u0130slamofobiyle m\u00fccadele edecek kolektif iradeyi nas\u0131l olu\u015fturaca\u011f\u0131d\u0131r - Eren Ye\u015filyurt<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/erenyesilyurt.com\/index.php\/2025\/07\/24\/s-sayyid-cagdas-islamciligin-onundeki-temel-meydan-okuma-islamofobiyle-mucadele-edecek-kolektif-iradeyi-nasil-olusturacagidir\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"S.Sayyid: \u00c7a\u011fda\u015f \u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n \u00f6n\u00fcndeki temel meydan okuma, \u0130slamofobiyle m\u00fccadele edecek kolektif iradeyi nas\u0131l olu\u015fturaca\u011f\u0131d\u0131r - Eren Ye\u015filyurt\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"S.\u202fSayyid, \u00e7a\u011f\u0131m\u0131z\u0131n \u00f6nde gelen M\u00fcsl\u00fcman entelekt\u00fcellerinden biri. T\u00fcrk\u00e7eye kazand\u0131r\u0131lan Hilafeti Hat\u0131rlamak ve Fundamentalizm Korkusu kitaplar\u0131, hem \u0130slam\u202fd\u00fcnyas\u0131nda hem de Bat\u0131\u2019da \u00f6nemli tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n \u00f6n\u00fcn\u00fc a\u00e7t\u0131. Yo\u011fun program\u0131 aras\u0131nda bize vakit ay\u0131ran Sayyid ile \u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131k, Gazze, muhafazak\u00e2r devrimcilik ve daha pek \u00e7ok meseleyi konu\u015ftuk. Bug\u00fcn hem M\u00fcsl\u00fcman topluluklar hem de Bat\u0131l\u0131 yap\u0131lar \u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 ya demode ya da... 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