{"id":2596,"date":"2025-08-29T15:06:31","date_gmt":"2025-08-29T12:06:31","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/erenyesilyurt.com\/?p=2596"},"modified":"2025-08-29T15:49:07","modified_gmt":"2025-08-29T12:49:07","slug":"alessandra-colla-junger-ve-ahmad-arasinda-entelektuel-ittifaktan-cok-elestirel-yakinlasma-var","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/erenyesilyurt.com\/index.php\/2025\/08\/29\/alessandra-colla-junger-ve-ahmad-arasinda-entelektuel-ittifaktan-cok-elestirel-yakinlasma-var\/","title":{"rendered":"Alessandra Colla: J\u00fcnger ve Ahmad aras\u0131nda modernite ele\u015ftirisi temelinde \u201centelekt\u00fcel ittifak\u201dtan \u00e7ok \u201cele\u015ftirel yak\u0131nla\u015fma\u201d var"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

Celal \u00c2l-i Ahmed\u2019in Ernst J\u00fcnger hakk\u0131nda s\u00f6yledi\u011fi \u015fu c\u00fcmleyle kar\u015f\u0131la\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131mda derinden etkilendim: \u201cJ\u00fcnger ve ben, a\u015fa\u011f\u0131 yukar\u0131 ayn\u0131 konuyu, fakat iki farkl\u0131 bak\u0131\u015f a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131yla ara\u015ft\u0131r\u0131yorduk. Ayn\u0131 soruyu ele al\u0131yorduk, ancak iki dilde.\u201d<\/em> Bu s\u00f6zden hareketle, iki d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcr\u00fcn ortak meseleleri farkl\u0131 k\u00fclt\u00fcrel ve entelekt\u00fcel havzalardan nas\u0131l kavrad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 Eurasia Rivista\u2019dan Alessandra Colla ile, muhafazak\u00e2r devrim<\/em> ve Gharbzadegi<\/em> \u00e7er\u00e7evesinde ele ald\u0131k.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Celal Al-i Ahmed, eserleri ve kavramlar\u0131 bug\u00fcn hala tart\u0131\u015fma konusu olan bir d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcrd\u00fcr. Bize onun hayat\u0131 ve entelekt\u00fcel d\u00fcnyas\u0131ndaki d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcmler hakk\u0131nda bilgi verebilir misiniz? Bu de\u011fi\u015fiklikleri tetikleyen fakt\u00f6rler nelerdir?<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n

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Celal Al-i Ahmed<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n<\/div>\n\n\n

\u0130talya’da Celal Al-i Ahmed, uzman \u00e7evreler d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda neredeyse hi\u00e7 bilinmemektedir. Oysa bu d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcr, 20. y\u00fczy\u0131l \u0130ran entelekt\u00fcel tarihinin merkezi bir fig\u00fcr\u00fcd\u00fcr ve 1979 Devrimi’nin ilham kaynaklar\u0131ndan biri olarak kabul edilir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hayat\u0131, 20. y\u00fczy\u0131l \u0130ran’\u0131n\u0131n \u00e7alkant\u0131l\u0131 tarihi ile derinden i\u00e7 i\u00e7e ge\u00e7mi\u015ftir. R\u00f6portajda bunu tam olarak anlatmak zor, bu y\u00fczden genel hatlar\u0131yla \u00f6zetlemekle yetinece\u011fim.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

1923 y\u0131l\u0131n\u0131n Aral\u0131k ay\u0131nda Tahran’da, \u00fc\u00e7 ku\u015fakt\u0131r din adaml\u0131\u011f\u0131 gelene\u011fi olan bir \u015eii ailenin \u00e7ocu\u011fu olarak d\u00fcnyaya gelen Al-i Ahmed, k\u0131sa s\u00fcrede dini d\u00fcnya g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fc ile 1925’ten beri iktidarda olan \u015eah R\u0131za Pehlevi y\u00f6netimindeki \u0130ran toplumunun radikal d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm\u00fc aras\u0131ndaki gerilimi hissetmi\u015ftir. \u0130lahiyat okumak \u00fczere kaderine yaz\u0131lm\u0131\u015f olan Al-i Ahmed, sadece \u00fc\u00e7 ay sonra e\u011fitimini b\u0131rakm\u0131\u015f ve ailesinin dini de\u011ferlerini reddederek onlarla ili\u015fkisini kesmi\u015ftir. 1944’te Marksist e\u011filimli \u0130ran kom\u00fcnist partisi Tudeh’e (1941’de kuruldu) kat\u0131ld\u0131 ve 1946’da Tahran \u00d6\u011fretmen Koleji’nden Fars Edebiyat\u0131 b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcnden mezun oldu ve kendini \u00f6\u011fretime adamaya karar verdi. Bu arada siyasi kariyeri de h\u0131zla y\u00fckseldi ve birka\u00e7 y\u0131l i\u00e7inde Merkez Komitesi \u00fcyesi, ard\u0131ndan ulusal kongre delegesi ve son olarak da partinin yay\u0131nevinin m\u00fcd\u00fcr\u00fc oldu. Bu g\u00f6revde, 1947’de \u00f6\u011fretmenlik sertifikas\u0131n\u0131 alana kadar k\u0131sa \u00f6yk\u00fc koleksiyonlar\u0131n\u0131 yay\u0131nlamaya ba\u015flad\u0131. Ayn\u0131 y\u0131l, Stalinist dogmatizmini ele\u015ftirdi\u011fi Tudeh’ten ayr\u0131ld\u0131. Onun \u00f6rne\u011fini ba\u015fkalar\u0131 da izledi ve \u0130ranl\u0131 solcu entelekt\u00fcel ve politikac\u0131 Khalil Maleki’den esinlenerek muhalifler \u0130ran \u0130\u015f\u00e7i Partisi’ni kurdular.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ancak 1948’de Tudeh’te bir ba\u015fka b\u00f6l\u00fcnme ya\u015fand\u0131 ve bu b\u00f6l\u00fcnmeden \u00dc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc G\u00fc\u00e7 do\u011fdu: \u0130ran’\u0131n ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z geli\u015fimi i\u00e7in bir siyasi hareket olan \u00dc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc G\u00fc\u00e7, milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fi demokratik sosyalizm ve Marksist merkezcilikle birle\u015ftirmeyi ama\u00e7layarak hem Bat\u0131’n\u0131n hem de Sovyetlerin etkisinden uzak durdu. Al-i Ahmed, \u0130ran \u0130\u015f\u00e7i Partisi’nden ayr\u0131ld\u0131ktan k\u0131sa bir s\u00fcre sonra bu harekete kat\u0131ld\u0131, ancak hareket, 1953 y\u0131l\u0131nda ABD (CIA) ve B\u00fcy\u00fck Britanya (MI6) taraf\u0131ndan d\u00fczenlenen darbeyle da\u011f\u0131ld\u0131. Bu darbeyle, 1941’den beri tahtta olan ve ge\u00e7ici olarak Roma’da s\u00fcrg\u00fcnde bulunan Muhammed R\u0131za Pehlevi yeniden iktidara geldi. Ayn\u0131 y\u0131l, Al-i Ahmed aktivizmden kesin olarak emekli oldu ve sonraki on y\u0131lda kendini \u00f6\u011fretime, edebiyata (yazar ve Camus, Gide, Ionesco ve Sartre’\u0131n eserlerinin Frans\u0131zca’dan \u00e7evirmeni olarak) ve \u0130ran’\u0131n kuzeyinde ve Basra K\u00f6rfezi’nde etnografik ara\u015ft\u0131rmalara adad\u0131. Burada, o zamana kadar kendisine bilinmeyen, k\u0131rsal alt proletaryan\u0131n d\u00fcnyas\u0131n\u0131 ke\u015ffetti; bu d\u00fcnya, onun arkaik ama modernli\u011fin dayatt\u0131\u011f\u0131 hayali de\u011ferlerden \u00e7ok daha \u00fcst\u00fcn oldu\u011funu d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc de\u011ferlerle zengindi. Bu deneyim onu derinden etkiledi ve g\u00f6r\u00fclece\u011fi \u00fczere, hayat\u0131n\u0131n son entelekt\u00fcel d\u00f6n\u00fcm noktas\u0131na kararl\u0131 bir \u015fekilde katk\u0131da bulundu.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

1968 y\u0131l\u0131na kadar yo\u011fun bir \u015fekilde seyahat etti (Amerika Birle\u015fik Devletleri, SSCB, \u0130srail, Suudi Arabistan) ve deneyimlerini do\u011fru ve ele\u015ftirel bir \u015fekilde anlatan yaz\u0131lar yay\u0131nlad\u0131. 1966’da Mekke’ye yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 seyahat son derece \u00f6nemliydi. Bu seyahatin ard\u0131ndan Al-i Ahmed k\u00f6klerine d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fc ilan etti ve \u0130slam’\u0131 genel olarak, \u015eiili\u011fi ise \u00f6zel olarak yeniden de\u011ferlendirdi. Art\u0131k \u0130slam’\u0131, \u0130ran’\u0131 saran \u201cBat\u0131 enfeksiyonu\u201dna kar\u015f\u0131 tek olas\u0131 \u00e7are olarak g\u00f6r\u00fcyordu. Son bir eser yazd\u0131 ve bu eser 1978’de \u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcnden sonra yay\u0131nland\u0131: Entelekt\u00fcellerin Hizmeti ve \u0130haneti<\/em> (Dar khedmat va khianat roshanfekran<\/em>), \u0130ranl\u0131 entelekt\u00fcellerin ilgisizli\u011fini \u015fiddetle k\u0131nayan bir eserdi; Julien Benda’n\u0131n 1927’de yay\u0131nlanan Entelekt\u00fcellerin \u0130haneti<\/em> adl\u0131 eserine yap\u0131lan at\u0131f a\u00e7\u0131kt\u0131.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Al-i Ahmed, Eyl\u00fcl 1969’da evinde kalp krizi ge\u00e7irerek \u00f6ld\u00fc, ancak k\u0131sa s\u00fcre sonra \u015eah’\u0131n gizli polisi Savak taraf\u0131ndan \u00f6ld\u00fcr\u00fcld\u00fc\u011f\u00fc y\u00f6n\u00fcnde (h\u00e2l\u00e2 as\u0131ls\u0131z) bir s\u00f6ylenti yay\u0131lmaya ba\u015flad\u0131.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Jalal Al-i Ahmed denince akla ilk gelen kavram \u201cGharbzadegi<\/em>‘\u201d. Bunun anlam\u0131n\u0131 ve ba\u011flam\u0131n\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131klayabilir misiniz?<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n

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Al-i Ahmed, Gharbzadegi<\/em>‘yi 1961’de yazm\u0131\u015f ve gizlice da\u011f\u0131tm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. 1962’de yay\u0131nlanan kitap, hemen sans\u00fcrlenmi\u015f ve kitap\u00e7\u0131lardan \u00e7ekilmi\u015ftir. Kitab\u0131n ba\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00e7ok spesifiktir: Genellikle Occidentosis<\/em> olarak \u00e7evrilir, bu da Occidentitis<\/em>‘ten daha do\u011frudur. T\u0131pta, \u201c-itis\u201d son eki bir organ\u0131 veya sistemi etkileyen iltihab\u0131 ifade eder, ancak Al-i Ahmed Bat\u0131’n\u0131n rahats\u0131zl\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 tart\u0131\u015fm\u0131yor. Aksine, Bat\u0131’y\u0131 Bat\u0131 d\u0131\u015f\u0131 \u00fclkeleri etkileyen bir hastal\u0131k olarak damgalamak istiyor, bu y\u00fczden Occidentosis<\/em> daha uygun bir \u00e7eviridir. T\u0131pta, \u201c-osis\u201d son eki \u201cdejeneratif bir durum\u201d veya \u201cbir hal veya durum\u201d anlam\u0131na gelir ve asl\u0131nda yazar, \u0130ran’\u0131n ve genel olarak Bat\u0131 d\u0131\u015f\u0131 d\u00fcnyan\u0131n \u201cBat\u0131’dan hastaland\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131\u201d kastetmektedir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Gharbzadegi teriminin Al-i Ahmed’\u0131n orijinal bir uydurmas\u0131 olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131, aksine Heidegger uzman\u0131 ve 1979’da iktidara gelen \u0130slam h\u00fck\u00fcmetinin ilham kaynaklar\u0131ndan biri olarak kabul edilen filozof Seyed Ahmad Fardid’den (1909-1994) \u00f6d\u00fcn\u00e7 al\u0131nd\u0131\u011f\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131kl\u0131\u011fa kavu\u015fturulmal\u0131d\u0131r. Fardid’in Bat\u0131 ele\u015ftirisi, tamamen felsefi ve \u00f6zellikle ontolojik bir d\u00fczeyde i\u015fliyor: Bat\u0131 felsefe gelene\u011finin 2500 y\u0131ld\u0131r metafizik d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce \u00fczerinde hakimiyet kurmas\u0131n\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a k\u0131n\u0131yor ve bunun, varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n ger\u00e7e\u011finden kopuk saf ak\u0131l lehine sezgisel ve manevi boyutun unutulmas\u0131na yol a\u00e7t\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 savunuyor.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ancak Al-i Ahmed bu terimi benimsemi\u015f, ancak ona farkl\u0131 bir anlam y\u00fcklemi\u015ftir. \u00d6zellikle, Occidentosis’i bir \u0130ran hal\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 i\u00e7ten \u00e7\u00fcr\u00fcten g\u00fcve istilas\u0131na benzetmi\u015ftir: \u015fekil bozulmam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r, ancak \u00f6z\u00fc yoksulla\u015fm\u0131\u015f ve bo\u015falm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r, bu da hal\u0131y\u0131 k\u0131r\u0131lgan ve de\u011fersiz hale getirmi\u015ftir. Bat\u0131, \u0130ran kimli\u011fine sadece siyasi s\u00f6m\u00fcrgecilik (t\u00fcm k\u00f6t\u00fcl\u00fckleriyle birlikte) olarak de\u011fil, zihniyeti, gelenekleri, k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fc ve ekonomiyi yok eden, t\u00fcm bir halk\u0131 boyun e\u011fdiren ve bir ulusu bo\u015f bir kabuk haline getiren bir fetih ve s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc s\u00f6m\u00fcrgecili\u011fi olarak bask\u0131 yapmaktad\u0131r. Bu noktaya nas\u0131l gelinmi\u015f olabilir? Cevap, ac\u0131 verici oldu\u011fu kadar basit: Sorumluluk, Bat\u0131 \u201cmedeniyetine\u201d boyun e\u011fen \u0130ran y\u00f6netici s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131na, \u015eah’a ve entelekt\u00fcellere aittir. Onu taklit etmek i\u00e7in beyhude bir giri\u015fimde bulunarak, yerel zanaatkarl\u0131\u011f\u0131n yok edilmesini, k\u00fclt\u00fcrel yabanc\u0131la\u015fmay\u0131 ve geleneksel de\u011ferlerin kayb\u0131n\u0131 kabul ettiler. Sonu\u00e7, \u0130ran’\u0131 \u00dc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc D\u00fcnya’ya indiren, felaketle sonu\u00e7lanan, a\u015fa\u011f\u0131lay\u0131c\u0131 bir ekonomik ve teknolojik ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131k oldu.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Fardid, Al-i Ahmed’\u0131 tam da bu yorumundan dolay\u0131 ele\u015ftirdi ve onu, medeniyet \u00fczerinde derin bir etkisi olan bir olguyu \u00f6nemsizle\u015ftirmekle su\u00e7lad\u0131. Ger\u00e7ekte, \u201cOccidentosis<\/em>\u201d kavram\u0131n\u0131 ontolojik ele\u015ftiri d\u00fczleminden politik ve sosyoekonomik tan\u0131 d\u00fczlemine kayd\u0131rarak, Al-i Ahmed bu kavram\u0131 daha geni\u015f bir kitleye ula\u015ft\u0131rmay\u0131 ba\u015fard\u0131 ve onu, muhalefeti harekete ge\u00e7irebilen ve daha sonra 1979 Devrimi’ne yol a\u00e7acak muhalefeti \u00f6nemli \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde etkileyebilen g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc bir anti-s\u00f6m\u00fcrgeci vekt\u00f6re d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrd\u00fc.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ancak Al-i Ahmed sorunu k\u0131namakla yetinmedi; ayn\u0131 zamanda bir \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm \u00f6nerdi ve bunu, teknolojik moderniteye boyun e\u011fmeden veya onu inkar etmeden kar\u015f\u0131 koyabilecek \u201c\u00fc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc bir yol\u201d olarak tan\u0131mlad\u0131: \u0130ran, teknolojinin kontrol\u00fcn\u00fc ele ge\u00e7irebilir ve pasif bir t\u00fcketici yerine aktif bir \u00fcretici haline gelmelidir. Do\u011fal olarak, bu se\u00e7enek de sorunsuz de\u011fildir: \u201cBat\u0131 hastal\u0131\u011f\u0131\u201d a\u015f\u0131ld\u0131ktan sonra, en b\u00fcy\u00fck risk, \u201cmakine hastal\u0131\u011f\u0131\u201d veya \u201cmakine sarho\u015flu\u011fu\u201d olarak adland\u0131rabilece\u011fimiz \u015feydir. Bu nedenle Al-i Ahmed, makineyi (teknolojiyi) bir ama\u00e7 de\u011fil, bir ara\u00e7 olarak g\u00f6rmek gerekti\u011fini s\u00f6yl\u00fcyor: \u0130ran’\u0131n ve halk\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc ve haysiyetini korumak i\u00e7in bir ara\u00e7.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bu noktada ba\u015fka bir soru ortaya \u00e7\u0131k\u0131yor: Bu \u201c\u00fc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc yolu\u201d izleyebilecek ideal \u00f6zne kim olacak? \u015ea\u015f\u0131rt\u0131c\u0131 bir \u015fekilde, Al-i Ahmed bu \u00f6zneyi \u201cBat\u0131 hastal\u0131\u011f\u0131\u201dndan etkilenmeyen ve asl\u0131nda \u0130ran gelene\u011finin k\u0131skan\u00e7 koruyucusu olan On \u0130ki \u0130mamc\u0131 \u015eiilikte buluyor. Entelekt\u00fcellerin yetersizli\u011fine derinden inanan Al-i Ahmed, bunun yerine, b\u00fct\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcyle g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc olan \u015eii din adamlar\u0131n\u0131n kitleleri ba\u015far\u0131l\u0131 bir \u015fekilde harekete ge\u00e7irerek onlar\u0131 en ger\u00e7ek Pers-\u0130slam kimli\u011fini yeniden ke\u015ffetmeye y\u00f6nlendirebilece\u011fine inan\u0131yordu.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Tahmin edilebilece\u011fi gibi, bu tutum o d\u00f6nemde tart\u0131\u015fma ve ele\u015ftirilere yol a\u00e7t\u0131: ihanet su\u00e7lamalar\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6tesinde, Al-i Ahmed’\u0131n ulusal egemenlik ve kendi kendine yeterlilik vizyonunun felsefi titizlikten ve pratik uygulama k\u0131lavuzlar\u0131ndan yoksun oldu\u011fu inkar edilemez. Asl\u0131nda, bu istenmeyen belirsizlik, daha sonra, yap\u0131land\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015f bir siyasi eylemin \u00e7er\u00e7evesine y\u00f6nlendirilmeyen, kendi ba\u015f\u0131na bir ama\u00e7 haline gelen \u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131k ve anti-emperyalizmin kontrols\u00fcz bir \u015fekilde ortaya \u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131na kap\u0131 a\u00e7acakt\u0131.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Celal Al-i Ahmed, Gharbzadegi<\/em><\/em><\/strong><\/em><\/strong> kitab\u0131nda Ernst J\u00fcnger’den al\u0131nt\u0131 yaparak \u015f\u00f6yle diyor: \u201cJ\u00fcnger ve ben, a\u015fa\u011f\u0131 yukar\u0131 ayn\u0131 konuyu, ancak iki farkl\u0131 bak\u0131\u015f a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131yla ara\u015ft\u0131r\u0131yorduk. Ayn\u0131 soruyu ele al\u0131yorduk, ancak iki farkl\u0131 dilde.\u201d Ahmad ve J\u00fcnger entelekt\u00fcel olarak nas\u0131l kesi\u015fti? Ahmad neden J\u00fcnger’e yak\u0131n hissetti?<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n

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Ahmad Fardid<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n<\/div>\n\n\n

Al-i Ahmed ile J\u00fcnger aras\u0131ndaki entelekt\u00fcel ba\u011flant\u0131n\u0131n do\u011frudan de\u011fil, Martin Heidegger’in d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnceleri arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla ger\u00e7ekle\u015fti\u011fini biliyoruz. Heidegger’in d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnceleri \u0130ran’da Fardid taraf\u0131ndan aktar\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Heidegger (1939-40 y\u0131llar\u0131nda J\u00fcnger’e adanm\u0131\u015f bir seminer bile d\u00fczenlemi\u015fti) J\u00fcnger’de modern \u00e7a\u011f\u0131n en keskin ele\u015ftirmenini, teknolojinin \u00f6z\u00fcn\u00fc en iyi \u015fekilde analiz edip klinik olarak te\u015fhis etmeyi ba\u015faran d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcr\u00fc g\u00f6rm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr, ancak onun metafizik temelini kavramam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Heidegger’in dikkati \u00f6zellikle J\u00fcnger’in iki \u00f6nemli metnine odaklanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131: Toplam Seferberlik<\/em> (Die totale<\/em> Mobilmachung<\/em>, 1930) ve \u0130\u015f\u00e7i. Hakimiyet ve Bi\u00e7im<\/em> (Der Arbeiter. Herrschaft und Gestalt<\/em>, 1932).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bu metinleri k\u0131saca \u00f6zetleyece\u011fim. J\u00fcnger’e g\u00f6re, I. D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131’n\u0131n radikal deneyiminden sonra, \u201ctoplam seferberlik\u201d art\u0131k sadece ekonomik ve askeri alanlar\u0131 ilgilendirmiyor, t\u00fcm toplumu sar\u0131yor ve modern d\u00fcnyan\u0131n temel \u00f6rg\u00fctsel ilkesi haline geliyordu. Bu d\u00fcnyada, t\u00fcm enerjiler, kaynaklar, teknolojiler ve insanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n kendisi \u201cseferber ediliyor\u201d, yani bar\u0131\u015f ve sava\u015fta ayn\u0131 olan tek bir devasa \u00fcretim s\u00fcrecine hizmet etmek \u00fczere organize ediliyor ve \u00e7er\u00e7eveleniyor. \u0130\u015f\u00e7i, i\u015f\u00e7i-asker ikili boyutuyla, sava\u015f deneyiminden ortaya \u00e7\u0131kan ve Teknoloji taraf\u0131ndan ifade edilen iktidar iradesinin kahraman\u0131-ara\u00e7lar\u0131 olan yeni insan tipini somutla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131r: bar\u0131\u015f zaman\u0131nda, sava\u015fta top\u00e7u silah\u0131na hizmet etti\u011fi gibi, makineyi \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131r\u0131r. Burada, \u0130talyanca \u00e7eviride Almanca \u201cArbeiter\u201d kelimesi yerine \u201coperaio\u201d (fabrika i\u015f\u00e7isi) kelimesinin tercih edildi\u011fini belirtmek isterim; bu, end\u00fcstriyel ve kapitalist modernitenin sembol\u00fc olan fabrikada \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan fig\u00fcr\u00fc hemen tan\u0131mlamak i\u00e7indir. Ayr\u0131ca, J\u00fcnger’in s\u00f6yleminde \u2018\u0130\u015f\u00e7i\u2019 ve \u201cTeknoloji\u201d metafizik fig\u00fcrler oldu\u011fu i\u00e7in, b\u00fcy\u00fck harfle yaz\u0131lm\u0131\u015f ba\u015f harfleri de koruyorum.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

J\u00fcnger’in metinlerini inceleyen Heidegger, modern teknolojinin \u00f6z\u00fc olarak tan\u0131mlad\u0131\u011f\u0131 temel kavram olan Gestell<\/em> veya \u201c\u00c7er\u00e7eveleme\u201d kavram\u0131n\u0131 geli\u015ftirdi. Gestell, tek bir makine veya aparat de\u011fil, zaman\u0131m\u0131zda nesnelerin ve ger\u00e7ekli\u011fin (insanlar, hayvanlar, do\u011fa) d\u00fczenlenme bi\u00e7imidir; bu d\u00fczenleme, nesnelere ontolojik anlam veya de\u011ferlerini yitirerek, onlar\u0131 teknolojinin ihtiya\u00e7lar\u0131 i\u00e7in salt bir Bestand, yani \u201cayakta duran rezerv\u201d veya \u201ckaynak\u201d haline getirir. B\u00f6ylece, \u00f6rne\u011fin, bir nehir veya g\u00f6l hidroelektrik santrali i\u00e7in bir kaynak, orman kereste end\u00fcstrisi i\u00e7in bir kaynak ve insan ise bir \u015firket i\u00e7in bir kaynakt\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bu nedenle, J\u00fcnger gibi Al-i Ahmed da teknolojide \u2014makinenin sahipli\u011fi ve kontrol\u00fcnde\u2014 modernitenin temel ay\u0131rt edici \u00f6zelli\u011fini tespit etmi\u015ftir. Bu \u00f6zellik, insan\u0131 ki\u015filiksizle\u015ftirir, onu t\u00fcm maneviyattan yoksun b\u0131rak\u0131r ve nihilizm kap\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 a\u00e7ar. \u0130ran’\u0131n makinelere ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131, tam da bireyin ve halk\u0131n varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 tehdit eden, s\u00f6m\u00fcrgeci projeyle tam uyum i\u00e7inde kimliklerini yok eden \u201cOccidentosis\u201dtir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cGharbzadegi<\/em><\/em><\/strong><\/em><\/strong> \u201d kavram\u0131 ile sava\u015f, teknoloji, k\u00fclt\u00fcr vb. konularda Muhafazakar Devrim’in bak\u0131\u015f a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131 aras\u0131nda paralellikler var m\u0131? Bu durumda entelekt\u00fcel bir ittifaktan s\u00f6z edebilir miyiz?<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n

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Ernst J\u00fcnger<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n<\/div>\n\n\n

Yukar\u0131da al\u0131nt\u0131lad\u0131\u011f\u0131m Al-i Ahmed’\u0131n s\u00f6zlerine geri d\u00f6nece\u011fim: “J\u00fcnger ve ben, a\u015fa\u011f\u0131 yukar\u0131 ayn\u0131 konuyu, ancak iki farkl\u0131 bak\u0131\u015f a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131yla ara\u015ft\u0131r\u0131yorduk. Ayn\u0131 soruyu ele al\u0131yorduk, ancak iki dilde.\u201c Bence burada \u201diki dilde\u201c ifadesi, tam olarak \u201diki farkl\u0131 s\u00f6ylemde” olarak yorumlanmal\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

J\u00fcnger ve Al-i Ahmed aras\u0131nda, Teknolojiyi y\u0131k\u0131c\u0131 bir g\u00fc\u00e7 olarak alg\u0131lamalar\u0131 konusunda kesinlikle az \u00e7ok belirgin bir uyum vard\u0131r. Alman i\u00e7in teknoloji, bireyi bir ki\u015fi olarak yok eden, onu do\u011fa ve gelenekle ba\u011f\u0131n\u0131 kaybetmi\u015f, standartla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015f, de\u011fi\u015ftirilebilir ve y\u00fczs\u00fcz bir insan t\u00fcr\u00fc olan \u0130\u015f\u00e7iye d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcren \u00f6zerk, gezegensel bir varl\u0131kt\u0131r. \u0130ranl\u0131 i\u00e7in teknoloji, yerel kimlikleri yok eden, insanlar\u0131 kendi geleneksel k\u00fclt\u00fcrlerini hor g\u00f6ren, ancak ayn\u0131 zamanda egemen Bat\u0131 k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fcne entegre olamayan k\u00f6ks\u00fcz bireylere d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcren k\u00fclt\u00fcrel ve ekonomik kolonizasyonun bir arac\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ancak, tarih hakk\u0131ndaki genel g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fleri ve \u00f6nerdikleri \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcmler (varsa) konusunda durum farkl\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

J\u00fcnger, bildi\u011fimiz gibi, Muhafazakar Devrim’in \u00f6nde gelen fig\u00fcrlerinden biridir. Onun elitist ve anti-burjuva vizyonunda tarih, 20. y\u00fczy\u0131lda Teknolojinin hakimiyetiyle doru\u011fa ula\u015fan, iktidar iradesinin metafiziksel bir teyidi s\u00fcrecidir. Al-i Ahmed’\u0131n anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131 ise olduk\u00e7a farkl\u0131d\u0131r: \u00dc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc D\u00fcnyac\u0131 ve s\u00f6m\u00fcrgecilik kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 bir d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcr olarak, tarihi Bat\u0131 egemenli\u011finden kurtulmak i\u00e7in halk\u0131n verdi\u011fi m\u00fccadele olarak yorumlar.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bu \u00f6nc\u00fcllerden yola \u00e7\u0131karak, iki d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcr moderniteden ka\u00e7mak i\u00e7in tutarl\u0131 bir proje geli\u015ftirir. Bireyci bir vizyona sahip olan J\u00fcnger i\u00e7in \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm, kendisinin Waldgang<\/em> olarak adland\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u015feyde yatmaktad\u0131r: a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a ifade edilen hareketlerin veya yap\u0131lar\u0131n \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmesini i\u00e7ermeyen, en fazla benzer d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnen bireyler aras\u0131nda bir \u201ctan\u0131ma\u201d olan, i\u00e7sel, aristokratik ve yaln\u0131z -nihilist- bir direni\u015f, kolektif ba\u011fl\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 ise kesin bir \u015fekilde reddeden. Al-i Ahmed ise tam tersine, \u201cBat\u0131 hastal\u0131\u011f\u0131na\u201d kar\u015f\u0131 ba\u011f\u0131\u015f\u0131k ve dolay\u0131s\u0131yla Bat\u0131’ya kar\u015f\u0131 tek k\u00fclt\u00fcrel ve siyasi siper olan, kolektif, manevi ve kimliksel bir \u015eii \u0130slam’a d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f \u00f6ng\u00f6rmektedir. Bu fikirler, asl\u0131nda 1979 Devrimi’nin ideolojik \u00e7er\u00e7evesine \u00f6nemli \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde katk\u0131da bulunacakt\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bu d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnceler \u0131\u015f\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, modernite ele\u015ftirisi temelinde \u201centelekt\u00fcel ittifak\u201dtan \u00e7ok \u201cele\u015ftirel yak\u0131nla\u015fma\u201ddan s\u00f6z etmek do\u011fru g\u00f6r\u00fcnmektedir. Her iki d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcr i\u00e7in de, 20. y\u00fczy\u0131l Bat\u0131 toplumu her a\u00e7\u0131dan bir anti-modeldir, \u00f6zellikle de belirgin bir kimli\u011fe sahip ki\u015fiyi yutan ve onu farkl\u0131la\u015fmam\u0131\u015f organik bir k\u00fctle olarak geri d\u00f6nd\u00fcren bir t\u00fcr metaforik k\u0131yma makinesi g\u00f6revi g\u00f6ren Teknoloji a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan. Ancak, savunduklar\u0131 ideolojik projeler radikal bir \u015fekilde farkl\u0131l\u0131k g\u00f6sterir, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc faaliyet g\u00f6sterdikleri ba\u011flamlar da radikal bir \u015fekilde farkl\u0131d\u0131r: Her ikisi de moderniteyi ve bununla ilgili sorunlar\u0131 ele\u015ftirel bir bak\u0131\u015f a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131yla de\u011ferlendirir, ancak J\u00fcnger bunu Bat\u0131’n\u0131n i\u00e7inden bir bak\u0131\u015f a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131yla yaparken, Al-i Ahmed bunu kolonile\u015ftirilmi\u015f bir ki\u015fi olarak d\u0131\u015fardan bir bak\u0131\u015f a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131yla yapar.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Sonu\u00e7 olarak, Al-i Ahmed’\u0131n J\u00fcnger’in karma\u015f\u0131k d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesinin bu k\u0131sm\u0131n\u0131, liberalizm ve rasyonalizmin sonu\u00e7lar\u0131yla birlikte moderniteye y\u00f6nelik iyi yap\u0131land\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015f bir ele\u015ftiri geli\u015ftirmek ve t\u00fcm bir halk\u0131n k\u00fclt\u00fcrel \u00f6zg\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc geri kazanmak i\u00e7in yararl\u0131 bir ara\u00e7 olarak benimsedi\u011fini s\u00f6yleyebiliriz.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cEurasia Rivista\u201d dergisine de yaz\u0131yorsunuz. \u0130talya’da jeopolitik d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce nas\u0131l geli\u015fiyor? Bu alanda \u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131kan isimler veya ak\u0131mlar hangileridir? \u00d6zellikle, son y\u0131llarda \u0130talyan jeopolitik \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131nda en \u00f6nemli isimler kimlerdir?<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u0130kinci D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131 sonras\u0131 d\u00f6nemde \u0130talya, \u00f6rne\u011fin Fransa veya Birle\u015fik Krall\u0131k gibi di\u011fer \u00fclkelerden farkl\u0131 olarak, g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc ve \u00f6zerk bir akademik jeopolitik okuluna sahip olmam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bu disiplin, asl\u0131nda fa\u015fizmle ili\u015fkilendirildi (Ernesto Massi ve Giorgio Roletto gibi \u00f6nde gelen akademisyenlerin dikkatlerini Akdeniz’e y\u00f6nelttikleri bir d\u00f6nem) ve bu nedenle damgaland\u0131. Bug\u00fcn bile, genellikle Siyaset Bilimi, Uluslararas\u0131 \u0130li\u015fkiler veya Tarih fak\u00fcltelerinin bir par\u00e7as\u0131 olarak \u00f6\u011fretilmektedir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u0130talya’da, siyasi ve ideolojik ba\u011flant\u0131lar\u0131n b\u00fcy\u00fck etkisi alt\u0131nda olan en canl\u0131 tart\u0131\u015fmalar genellikle \u00fcniversitelerin d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda, d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce kurulu\u015flar\u0131nda veya dergi ve gazetelerde ger\u00e7ekle\u015fmektedir. Ana akt\u00f6rler genellikle gazeteciler, analistler ve eski diplomatlard\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Genel olarak, d\u00f6rt ana ak\u0131m tespit edilebilir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Birincisi ve en bask\u0131n olan\u0131, \u0130talya’n\u0131n NATO ve AB i\u00e7indeki resmi pozisyonuyla uyumlu Atlantik\u00e7i-Avrupac\u0131 ak\u0131md\u0131r. Bu ak\u0131m, D\u0131\u015fi\u015fleri Bakanl\u0131\u011f\u0131, askeri ve finans \u00e7evreleri ile \u0131l\u0131ml\u0131 merkez sa\u011f ve merkez sol partilerde yayg\u0131nd\u0131r. NATO’yu ulusal ve Avrupa g\u00fcvenli\u011finin temel dire\u011fi olarak g\u00f6r\u00fcr, Avrupa entegrasyonunu destekler, transatlantik ortakl\u0131\u011f\u0131 destekler ve ihtiyatl\u0131 insani veya istikrar m\u00fcdahalesini savunur. \u00d6nemli kurumlar aras\u0131nda \u0130talyan Uluslararas\u0131 \u0130li\u015fkiler Enstit\u00fcs\u00fc (IAI) ve Uluslararas\u0131 Siyasi Ara\u015ft\u0131rmalar Enstit\u00fcs\u00fc (ISPI) bulunmaktad\u0131r. \u00d6ne \u00e7\u0131kan isimler aras\u0131nda General Carlo Jean ve Uluslararas\u0131 Ara\u015ft\u0131rmalar Merkezi (CeSI) ba\u015fkan\u0131 ve h\u00fck\u00fcmet dan\u0131\u015fman\u0131 Andrea Margelletti bulunmaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u0130kinci ak\u0131m, egemenlik\u00e7i\/ulusal-muhafazakar ak\u0131md\u0131r. Bu ak\u0131m, Matteo Salvini liderli\u011findeki Lig ve Giorgia Meloni liderli\u011findeki \u0130talya Karde\u015fleri partilerinin y\u00fckseli\u015fiyle ortaya \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015f ve ulusal egemenli\u011fi ve \u0130talya’n\u0131n \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n\u0131 yeniden \u00f6n plana \u00e7\u0131karmay\u0131 ama\u00e7lam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. B\u00fcrokratik ve federalist AB’yi ele\u015ftirmi\u015f, ulusal \u00e7\u0131karlar konusunda g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc bir ger\u00e7ek\u00e7ilik savunmu\u015f, ABD hegemonyas\u0131n\u0131n bir arac\u0131 olarak NATO’ya kar\u015f\u0131 somut bir \u015f\u00fcphecilik ifade etmi\u015f ve Rusya ve \u00c7in ile diyaloga a\u00e7\u0131k oldu\u011funu beyan etmi\u015ftir. Ge\u00e7mi\u015f zaman kulland\u0131m \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc bu fikirler, Lig ve \u0130talya Karde\u015fleri’nin muhalefette oldu\u011fu d\u00f6neme aittir; \u015fimdi h\u00fck\u00fcmette olduklar\u0131 i\u00e7in ana ak\u0131mla ayn\u0131 \u00e7izgide yer alm\u0131\u015flar ve ulusal \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n aleyhine, daha da Atlantik\u00e7i ve ABD ve onun \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131na ba\u011fl\u0131 olduklar\u0131n\u0131 kan\u0131tlam\u0131\u015flard\u0131r. Bu ak\u0131m\u0131n kilit dergisi Analisi Difesa’d\u0131r ve isimler aras\u0131nda, derginin direkt\u00f6r\u00fc Gianandrea Gaiani’yi belirtmek gerekir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Sonra, Realist (veya Neo-Realist) olarak tan\u0131mlayabilece\u011fimiz bir ak\u0131m var: daha akademik ve analitik olan bu ak\u0131m, uluslararas\u0131 sistemin \u00f6nemli \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde anar\u015fik oldu\u011funu kabul eder ve uluslararas\u0131 ili\u015fkileri ekonomik ve askeri g\u00fcc\u00fcn dengesi temelinde inceler. Atlantik\u00e7ili\u011fe a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a ele\u015ftirel yakla\u015fan bu ak\u0131m, onu reddetmez, ancak yine de ulusal \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n \u00f6nceli\u011fini savunur. \u0130nsani m\u00fcdahalelere kar\u015f\u0131 belirli bir \u015f\u00fcphecilik besler ve \u0130talya’n\u0131n uzun vadeli bir \u201cb\u00fcy\u00fck strateji\u201d benimsemesinin gerekli oldu\u011funa inan\u0131r (bence \u0130talya NATO\/AB \u015femsiyesi alt\u0131nda kald\u0131\u011f\u0131 s\u00fcrece ula\u015f\u0131lamaz bir hedef). Referans dergisi, Lucio Caracciolo taraf\u0131ndan kurulan ve y\u00f6netilen otoriter Limes’tir; di\u011fer \u00f6nemli isimler Dario Fabbri ve Giulio Sapelli’dir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

D\u00f6rd\u00fcnc\u00fc ak\u0131m, kom\u00fcnist ve anti-Amerikan solun k\u00f6klerinden gelen, \u00dc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc D\u00fcnyac\u0131\/Anti-Emperyalist ve Anti-S\u00f6m\u00fcrgeci olarak adland\u0131rabilece\u011fimiz ak\u0131md\u0131r. Bat\u0131 hegemonyas\u0131n\u0131 ve ABD’nin sald\u0131rgan bir arac\u0131 olarak NATO’yu \u015fiddetle ele\u015ftirir; ulusal kurtulu\u015f hareketlerini ve Filistin davas\u0131n\u0131 destekler. Ba\u015fl\u0131ca temsilcileri Manlio Dinucci ve Alberto Negri’dir: ilki il Manifesto gazetesinin muhabiri, ikincisi ise gazeteye yaz\u0131lar yazan bir yazard\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Son olarak, \u201cEurasia\u201d dergisi, bug\u00fcn ideolojik olarak tan\u0131mlanmas\u0131 zor, kendine \u00f6zg\u00fc bir ger\u00e7ekli\u011fi temsil etmektedir. G\u00f6r\u00fcld\u00fc\u011f\u00fc gibi, derginin a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a Atlantik kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131, k\u00fcreselle\u015fme kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131, s\u00f6m\u00fcrgecilik kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 ve Siyonizm kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 tutumu, di\u011fer jeopolitik ak\u0131mlar taraf\u0131ndan da payla\u015f\u0131lmaktad\u0131r. Derginin bir di\u011fer g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc yan\u0131, K\u00fcresel G\u00fcney’e ve bug\u00fcn BRICS \u00fclkelerine, \u00f6zellikle Orta Do\u011fu’ya (\u00f6ncelikle Filistin meselesine) ve Orta Asya’ya verdi\u011fi \u00f6nemdir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

2004 y\u0131l\u0131nda Claudio Mutti ve Carlo Terracciano (20. y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n ilk ve en keskin sava\u015f sonras\u0131 jeopolitik akademisyenlerinden biri, tam yirmi y\u0131l \u00f6nce, Eyl\u00fcl 2005’te erken ya\u015fta vefat etti) taraf\u0131ndan kurulan Eurasia, akademik d\u00fczeyde jeopolitik \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar ve ara\u015ft\u0131rmalar\u0131 te\u015fvik etmenin yan\u0131 s\u0131ra, uzman ve uzman olmayan kamuoyunda Avrasya temalar\u0131 hakk\u0131nda fark\u0131ndal\u0131k yaratmay\u0131 ama\u00e7lamaktad\u0131r: Burada \u201cAvrasya\u201d, Gr\u00f6nland’dan (bat\u0131da) Japonya’ya (do\u011fuda) kadar uzanan Avrasya k\u0131tas\u0131 olarak anla\u015f\u0131lmaktad\u0131r.Avrasya’n\u0131n ruhani birli\u011finin yeniden ke\u015ffi – zaman i\u00e7inde \u00e7e\u015fitli k\u00fclt\u00fcrel bi\u00e7imlerde kendini ifade etti\u011fi \u015fekliyle – jeopolitik \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar alan\u0131nda yenilik\u00e7i bir fakt\u00f6r olmakla kalmay\u0131p, 20. y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n sonunda Francis Fukuyama ve Samuel Huntington taraf\u0131ndan s\u0131ras\u0131yla geli\u015ftirilen ve art\u0131k ge\u00e7erlili\u011fini yitirmi\u015f olan \u201ctarihin sonu\u201d ve \u201cmedeniyetler \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmas\u0131\u201d teorilerine ge\u00e7erli bir alternatif olu\u015fturmaktad\u0131r. Ni\u015f bir yay\u0131n olmas\u0131na ra\u011fmen, Eurasia sad\u0131k bir okuyucu kitlesine ve nitelikli yazarlar grubuna sahiptir.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Celal \u00c2l-i Ahmed\u2019in Ernst J\u00fcnger hakk\u0131nda s\u00f6yledi\u011fi \u015fu c\u00fcmleyle kar\u015f\u0131la\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131mda derinden etkilendim: \u201cJ\u00fcnger ve ben, a\u015fa\u011f\u0131 yukar\u0131 ayn\u0131 konuyu, fakat iki farkl\u0131 bak\u0131\u015f a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131yla ara\u015ft\u0131r\u0131yorduk. Ayn\u0131 soruyu ele al\u0131yorduk, ancak iki dilde.\u201d Bu s\u00f6zden hareketle, iki d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcr\u00fcn ortak meseleleri farkl\u0131 k\u00fclt\u00fcrel ve entelekt\u00fcel havzalardan nas\u0131l kavrad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 Eurasia Rivista\u2019dan Alessandra Colla ile, muhafazak\u00e2r devrim ve Gharbzadegi… Continue reading →<\/span><\/a><\/span><\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":2603,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_jetpack_memberships_contains_paid_content":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[58,1],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-2596","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-gorus","category-roportajlar"],"yoast_head":"\nAlessandra Colla: J\u00fcnger ve Ahmad aras\u0131nda modernite ele\u015ftirisi temelinde \u201centelekt\u00fcel ittifak\u201dtan \u00e7ok \u201cele\u015ftirel yak\u0131nla\u015fma\u201d var - Eren Ye\u015filyurt<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/erenyesilyurt.com\/index.php\/2025\/08\/29\/alessandra-colla-junger-ve-ahmad-arasinda-entelektuel-ittifaktan-cok-elestirel-yakinlasma-var\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Alessandra Colla: J\u00fcnger ve Ahmad aras\u0131nda modernite ele\u015ftirisi temelinde \u201centelekt\u00fcel ittifak\u201dtan \u00e7ok \u201cele\u015ftirel yak\u0131nla\u015fma\u201d var - Eren Ye\u015filyurt\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"Celal \u00c2l-i Ahmed\u2019in Ernst J\u00fcnger hakk\u0131nda s\u00f6yledi\u011fi \u015fu c\u00fcmleyle kar\u015f\u0131la\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131mda derinden etkilendim: \u201cJ\u00fcnger ve ben, a\u015fa\u011f\u0131 yukar\u0131 ayn\u0131 konuyu, fakat iki farkl\u0131 bak\u0131\u015f a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131yla ara\u015ft\u0131r\u0131yorduk. 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Ayn\u0131 soruyu ele al\u0131yorduk, ancak iki dilde.\u201d Bu s\u00f6zden hareketle, iki d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcr\u00fcn ortak meseleleri farkl\u0131 k\u00fclt\u00fcrel ve entelekt\u00fcel havzalardan nas\u0131l kavrad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 Eurasia Rivista\u2019dan Alessandra Colla ile, muhafazak\u00e2r devrim ve Gharbzadegi... 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