{"id":2627,"date":"2025-08-31T14:35:57","date_gmt":"2025-08-31T11:35:57","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/erenyesilyurt.com\/?p=2627"},"modified":"2025-08-31T14:35:57","modified_gmt":"2025-08-31T11:35:57","slug":"robert-steuckers-armin-mohler-jungerin-degil-schmittin-okuyucusu-olarak-muhafazakar-devrimin-ilkeleri-adina-gaullisttir","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/erenyesilyurt.com\/index.php\/2025\/08\/31\/robert-steuckers-armin-mohler-jungerin-degil-schmittin-okuyucusu-olarak-muhafazakar-devrimin-ilkeleri-adina-gaullisttir\/","title":{"rendered":"Robert Steuckers: Armin Mohler, J\u00fcnger’in de\u011fil, Schmitt’in okuyucusu olarak, muhafazakar devrimin ilkeleri ad\u0131na Gaullisttir"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

Armin Mohler, Almanya\u2019da Muhafazak\u00e2r Devrim 1918-1932<\/em> adl\u0131 kitab\u0131n\u0131 yazd\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, kendisinden sonra uzun s\u00fcre tart\u0131\u015f\u0131lacak \u00f6nemli bir miras b\u0131rakm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Bir d\u00f6nem Ernst J\u00fcnger\u2019in sekreterli\u011fini de yapan Mohler, muhafazak\u00e2r devrimcili\u011fin kilit fig\u00fcrlerinden biri. Mohler\u2019i, Avrupa Yeni Sa\u011f\u0131\u2019n\u0131n \u00f6nde gelen isimlerinden ve Synergies europ\u00e9ennes<\/em> hareketinin kurucusu Robert Steuckers ile konu\u015ftuk.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Armin Mohler ve onun Die Konservative Revolution in Deutschland 1918\u20131932 (Almanya’da Muhafazakar Devrim 1918\u20131932) adl\u0131 eserinden bahsedebilir misiniz? Bug\u00fcn hala tart\u0131\u015fmal\u0131 olan \u201cmuhafazakar devrim\u201d kavram\u0131n\u0131 kullanarak, tam olarak neyi kastetti ve hangi d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce \u00e7er\u00e7evesini olu\u015fturmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131?<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n

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Armin Mohler<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n<\/div>\n\n\n

Armin Mohler ile ili\u015fkilerim esasen telefon g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fmelerinden ibarettir, \u00f6zellikle de M\u00fcnih\u2019te Baron Caspar von Schrenck-Notzing taraf\u0131ndan y\u00f6netilen Criticon<\/em> dergisi ba\u011flam\u0131nda. 1978-79 y\u0131llar\u0131nda, Georges Hupin\u2019in y\u00f6netti\u011fi GRECE-Br\u00fcksel dergisi i\u00e7in, Armin Mohler ile Katolik ve Aristoteles\u00e7i-Thomist filozof Thomas Molnar aras\u0131ndaki \u00fcnl\u00fc tart\u0131\u015fmay\u0131 \u00f6zetledim. Bu tart\u0131\u015fma \u201ct\u00fcmeller sorunu\u201d (querelle des universaux) \u00fczerineydi: Molnar, Thomist gelenekte oldu\u011fu gibi t\u00fcmelleri savunuyor, bunlar\u0131n t\u00fcm\u00fcyle yeniden ihya edilmesi gerekti\u011fini, aksi takdirde \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn durdurulamayaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 s\u00f6yl\u00fcyordu. Mohler ise, t\u00fcmellerin art\u0131k yaln\u0131zca genelge\u00e7er ve i\u00e7i bo\u015f kli\u015felere d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc, bu nedenle herhangi bir siyasi dinamizm sa\u011flayamad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcyordu. Belki biraz beceriksizce, kendisini \u201cnominalist\u201d olarak tan\u0131t\u0131yor, ulusal ya da y\u00f6resel b\u00fct\u00fcn farkl\u0131l\u0131klara dikkat kesiliyordu; buna kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k Bat\u0131 liberal ideolojisinin \u201cgenellemelerine\u201d (die All-Gemeinheiten, diyordu) cephe al\u0131yordu. Molnar ise, bu liberalizmin, ortak ya\u015fam\u0131n b\u00fct\u00fcn sa\u011flam temellerini \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcp yerine \u201cf\u0131rsat\u00e7\u0131 bireycilikler\u201d (Carl Schmitt) getirdi\u011fini d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcyordu. Bu \u00f6zeti, Br\u00fcksel\u2019de k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck ve tan\u0131nmaz bir \u00f6\u011frenciyken kaleme alm\u0131\u015ft\u0131m ve bu metin, frankofon \u201cyeni sa\u011f\u201d \u00e7evrelerinde bir tart\u0131\u015fman\u0131n fitilini ate\u015fledi. Tart\u0131\u015fma zamanla s\u00f6nd\u00fc ve bug\u00fcn art\u0131k bu \u00e7evreler, esasen Paris merkezli olan bu ortam, Mohler\u2019in \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n\u0131 unutmu\u015f durumdad\u0131r; oysa onun eserleri \u201cmuhafazak\u00e2r devrim\u201d temas\u0131n\u0131n \u00e7ok \u00f6tesine ge\u00e7iyordu.<\/p>\n\n\n

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Daha sonra Mohler, \u0130srailli tarih\u00e7i Zeev Sternhell\u2019in, 1871\u2019de Napolyon III\u2019\u00fcn ordular\u0131n\u0131n yenilgisinden sonra do\u011fan ve intikam arzusuna saplanm\u0131\u015f Frans\u0131z \u201cdevrimci sa\u011f\u201d hareketi \u00fczerine yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 didaktik \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmayla ilgilendi. Bu d\u00f6nem, \u00f6zellikle General Boulanger\u2019in bir askeri-halk darbesi planlad\u0131\u011f\u0131 macera ile belirgindir ve Weimar Cumhuriyeti\u2019nin en \u00e7alkant\u0131l\u0131 y\u0131llar\u0131nda Ernst J\u00fcnger\u2019in de ilgisini \u00e7ekmi\u015ftir. J\u00fcnger, Boulanger tarz\u0131 bir darbenin, 1918 Kas\u0131m g\u00fcnlerinden sonra iktidara gelen parti-demokrasisinin yolsuzluklar\u0131ndan \u00e7ok daha \u201ctemiz\u201d, daha \u201casil\u201d bir iktidar alma yolu oldu\u011funu d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcyordu. Mohler, Sternhell\u2019in La droite r\u00e9volutionnaire<\/em> adl\u0131 kitab\u0131n\u0131 Criticon<\/em> i\u00e7in son derece didaktik bi\u00e7imde \u00f6zetledi. O s\u0131rada GRECE-Br\u00fcksel\u2019in faaliyetlerine kat\u0131lan Elfrieda Popelier bu metni \u00e7evirmeye giri\u015fti ve ben de Cenevre\u2019de, Thierry Mudry\u2019nin (Jean-Jacques Rousseau\u2019nun baz\u0131 y\u00f6nleri \u00fczerine, Noel O\u2019Sullivan\u2019\u0131n g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015flerinden esinlenen) bir metniyle ve Sternhell\u2019in \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmas\u0131 \u00fczerine kendi yorumlar\u0131mla birlikte, kapsaml\u0131 bir bro\u015f\u00fcr olarak yay\u0131mlamaya karar verdim. Bu yorumlar\u0131m, K\u00f6ln\u2019de Gesamtdeutscher Studentenverband (GDS) k\u00fcrs\u00fcs\u00fcnde yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131m bir konferans\u0131n metnine dayan\u0131yordu; bu giri\u015fimi bana, art\u0131k hayatta olmayan iki arkada\u015f\u0131m, G\u00fcnter Maschke ve Peter Bossdorf \u00f6nermi\u015fti. Kitap epey ilgi g\u00f6rd\u00fc ve bir\u00e7ok bask\u0131 yapt\u0131.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

O s\u0131ralarda Die Konservative Revolution in Deutschland 1918\u20131932<\/em> neredeyse bulunamaz durumdayd\u0131, yeniden bas\u0131lmam\u0131\u015ft\u0131. 1988-89 y\u0131llar\u0131n\u0131 beklemek gerekti; o zaman \u201cWissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft\u201d yeni bir bask\u0131 yapt\u0131. Ben de bu bask\u0131y\u0131, kendi dergim Vouloir<\/em> i\u00e7in \u00f6zetledim. Anvers\u2019teki Tekos<\/em> dergisinin y\u00f6neticisi de ayn\u0131 eseri tan\u0131tm\u0131\u015f, Alman muhafazakar devrim yazarlar\u0131 ile onlara yak\u0131n ya da onlardan esinlenen Flaman ve Hollandal\u0131 yazarlar aras\u0131nda kar\u015f\u0131la\u015ft\u0131rmal\u0131 notlar eklemi\u015fti. Bu kapsaml\u0131 incelemeyi de ben \u00e7evirdim ve frankofon okurlar i\u00e7in notlarla tamamlad\u0131m.<\/p>\n\n\n

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Bu \u00e7ok \u00f6nemli kitab\u0131n do\u011fdu\u011fu ba\u011flam\u0131 anlamak i\u00e7in \u015funu s\u00f6ylemek gerekir: Mohler, 1949\u2019dan itibaren Ernst J\u00fcnger\u2019in sekreteriydi; bu, iki Almanya\u2019n\u0131n ve NATO\u2019nun kuruldu\u011fu y\u0131ld\u0131r. \u0130kisi, Almanya\u2019n\u0131n en az\u0131ndan II. Bismarck Reich\u2019\u0131n\u0131n kurulu\u015fundan beri \u00fcretmi\u015f oldu\u011fu verimli fikirler ve d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnceler \u00fczerine tart\u0131\u015fmak zorundayd\u0131lar. 1945 yenilgisi, b\u00f6yle d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncelere dayal\u0131 herhangi bir restorasyon projesini, hele ki 1918 ile Hitler\u2019in iktidara geli\u015fi aras\u0131nda ge\u00e7en y\u0131llar\u0131 besleyen fikirleri tamamen ge\u00e7ersiz k\u0131lm\u0131\u015f g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcyordu. Bu y\u00fczden b\u00fct\u00fcn bu fikirlerin bir envanterini \u00e7\u0131karmak gerekiyordu; b\u00f6ylece bir iz kalacak, belki yeni cesur ruhlar bunlar\u0131 devral\u0131p g\u00fcncelleyecek, Amerikan servislerinin kurdu\u011fu d\u00fczenin \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnden sonra yeni bir ger\u00e7ekli\u011fe aktaracakt\u0131.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Sekreter oldu\u011fu d\u00f6nemde tuttu\u011fu da\u011f\u0131n\u0131k notlar\u0131nda (bkz. Ravensburger Tagebuch \u2013 Meine Jahre mit Ernst J\u00fcnger<\/em>, Karolinger Verlag, Viyana, 1999), Mohler bu doktora tezinin fikrinin nas\u0131l do\u011fdu\u011funu k\u0131saca anlat\u0131r. J\u00fcnger\u2019in sekreterli\u011fine talip oldu\u011funda, ondan \u015fu uyar\u0131y\u0131 al\u0131r: \u201c\u00d6nce mutlaka \u00f6\u011frenimini tamamlaman\u0131 istiyorum.\u201d J\u00fcnger, hayat\u0131n\u0131 sadece kendisine adam\u0131\u015f saf bir idealistin gelece\u011fini feda etmesini istemiyordu. Bu, sonraki devrimci-muhafazak\u00e2r ya da yeni sa\u011f \u00e7evrelerde pek az ki\u015finin g\u00f6sterdi\u011fi bir bilgelikti. Mohler, bu doktora tezinin hocas\u0131 olmas\u0131 i\u00e7in sakin filozof Karl Jaspers\u2019e ba\u015fvurur. Jaspers kabul eder, hatta Mohler tezde kendisine y\u00f6nelik bir polemik y\u00fcr\u00fctm\u00fc\u015f olsa bile. \u201c\u015eu sayfada bana kar\u015f\u0131 polemik yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131z do\u011fru mu?\u201d diye sorar. Mohler bunu do\u011frular. Jaspers \u015f\u00f6yle der: \u201cBiz filozoflar, \u00e7o\u011fu zaman ba\u011fr\u0131m\u0131zda y\u0131lan besleriz ama san\u0131r\u0131m siz felsefeyle pek i\u015f yapmayacaks\u0131n\u0131z ileride\u2026\u201d Mohler daha sonra J\u00fcnger\u2019e, neden bu teze bu kadar \u00f6nem verdi\u011fini sorar. Cevap: \u201cHi\u00e7 \u00f6nemi yok; ama doktora unvan\u0131n\u0131 almaman\u0131zdan sorumlu olmak istemedim.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n

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O d\u00f6nemde Ernst J\u00fcnger, 1920’ler ve 1930’larda savundu\u011fu radikal siyasi-felsefi tezlerinden vazge\u00e7mi\u015fti (en az\u0131ndan 1934’e kadar). Ulusal devrimci ve \u201casker\u00ee\u201d yazar\u0131n ideolojik sertli\u011finden meditasyona ge\u00e7mi\u015fti ve gelenek\u00e7i pozisyonlara kay\u0131yordu. Bu pozisyonlar\u0131, Almanca dil alan\u0131nda bug\u00fcne kadar e\u015fi benzeri olmayan ola\u011fan\u00fcst\u00fc bir dergi olan Antaios<\/em>‘ta dile getiriyordu. Daha gen\u00e7 olan Mohler, \u0130svi\u00e7re’den ka\u00e7t\u0131\u011f\u0131 s\u0131rada (Basel do\u011fumludur), Ocak’tan Aral\u0131k 1942’ye kadar Berlin k\u00fct\u00fcphanelerinde J\u00fcnger’in milliyet\u00e7i-devrimci t\u00fcm makalelerini elle kopyalamaya zorlad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 hat\u0131rl\u0131yordu.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Jaspers\u2019te ise, ele\u015ftirilerine ra\u011fmen Mohler\u2019in benimsedi\u011fi \u00f6nemli bir fikir vard\u0131: \u201cEksen d\u00f6nemleri.\u201d Tarihte baz\u0131 eksen d\u00f6nemlerinde \u00e7\u0131\u011f\u0131r a\u00e7\u0131c\u0131 fikirler ortaya \u00e7\u0131kar, uygarl\u0131klar\u0131n donukla\u015fm\u0131\u015f gidi\u015fat\u0131n\u0131 sarsar ve de\u011fi\u015ftiren bir y\u00f6n kazand\u0131r\u0131r. Jaspers i\u00e7in Buda, Sokrates, \u0130sa, kendi uygarl\u0131k \u00e7evrelerinde b\u00f6yle sars\u0131c\u0131 fikirler getirmi\u015fti. Mohler\u2019e g\u00f6re bu kavram, bizim uygarl\u0131k \u00e7evremize de uygulanabilirdi; \u00f6zellikle de Nietzsche\u2019nin \u201ct\u00fcm de\u011ferlerin yeniden de\u011ferlendirilmesi\u201d \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131s\u0131ndan itibaren. Alman muhafazak\u00e2r devrimi, Ayd\u0131nlanma ve Frans\u0131z Devrimi\u2019nden bu yana kurulu \u00e7er\u00e7eveleri a\u015facak potansiyellere sahipti. Daha sonra Sternhell, Jules Soury, Hippolyte Taine ve (mill\u00ee-devrimci J\u00fcnger\u2019in de de\u011fer verdi\u011fi) Maurice Barr\u00e8s gibi Frans\u0131z \u201csa\u011f devrimcilerinin\u201d \u00dc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc Cumhuriyet\u2019in burjuva ideolojisini y\u0131kmak i\u00e7in b\u00fct\u00fcn gerekli unsurlar\u0131 k\u00e2\u011f\u0131da d\u00f6kt\u00fcklerini g\u00f6stermi\u015ftir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Pratik nedenlerle ve tamamen kapsaml\u0131 olmak imk\u00e2ns\u0131z oldu\u011fundan, Mohler\u2019in tezi ara\u015ft\u0131rma alan\u0131n\u0131 1918\u2019deki \u0130mparatorluk\u2019un \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnden 1933 Ocak ay\u0131nda Nasyonal-Sosyalistlerin iktidara geli\u015fine kadar s\u0131n\u0131rlad\u0131. Ancak o y\u0131llarda tart\u0131\u015f\u0131lan fikirler g\u00f6kten zembille inmedi; k\u00f6kenleri, kimi zaman \u201cdi\u011fer Ayd\u0131nlanma\u201dya, Johann Gottfried Herder\u2019in ya da 18. y\u00fczy\u0131lda Hamann\u2019\u0131n eserlerine dek uzan\u0131yordu. Bu nedenle Mohler, Sternhell\u2019in La droite r\u00e9volutionnaire<\/em> \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131 selamlad\u0131; \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc bu eser, Bat\u0131\u2019da liberalizmin \u00fcretti\u011fi, donukla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131c\u0131 \u201cgenellemeler\u201de kar\u015f\u0131 \u00f6zellikle verimli bir d\u00f6nemi inceliyordu (Rusya\u2019da bu t\u00fcr ele\u015ftiriler \u00e7ok daha az \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcdeydi; orada bat\u0131c\u0131l\u0131k ele\u015ftirisi, Frans\u0131z sa\u011f devrimcilerinin ve daha sonra Weimar d\u00f6neminin muhafazak\u00e2r devrimcilerinin ve mill\u00ee-devrimcilerinin \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131na dolayl\u0131 olarak yakla\u015f\u0131yordu; Arthur Moeller van den Bruck, Dostoyevski\u2019nin se\u00e7kin bir \u00e7evirmeni olarak bu k\u00f6pr\u00fcy\u00fc kuruyordu).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

J\u00fcnger ile Mohler aras\u0131ndaki kopu\u015f 1953\u2019te oldu; nedeni, J\u00fcnger\u2019in 1920\u2019ler ve 1930\u2019lardaki baz\u0131 metinlerini bizzat sans\u00fcrlemesiydi. Mohler, bunlar\u0131n eksiksiz ve sans\u00fcrs\u00fcz bas\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131 istiyordu. Mohler bu konuda \u015f\u00f6yle dedi: \u201cJ\u00fcnger\u2019in gen\u00e7lik yaz\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131 sans\u00fcrleyerek kendisine uygulad\u0131\u011f\u0131 bu kendini budamaya kar\u015f\u0131 kamuoyunda protesto etmi\u015ftim. Usta i\u00e7in, sekreterinin verdi\u011fi bu ders fazlayd\u0131.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Daha sonra, bir\u00e7ok g\u00f6rev ve i\u015flevin yan\u0131 s\u0131ra, Mohler 1961\u2019de M\u00fcnih\u2019teki Carl von Siemens Stiftung\u2019un sekreteri oldu ve 1985\u2019e dek bu g\u00f6revde kald\u0131. Bu \u00e7er\u00e7evede, benim kendi metapolitik g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015flerimin olu\u015fumunda belirleyici olan kolektif eserleri destekledi; \u00f6zellikle Der Ernstfall<\/em>. Ard\u0131ndan Kursbuch der Weltanschauung<\/em> ve Der Mensch und seine Sprache<\/em> (benim \u00fcniversite \u00f6\u011frenimim ba\u011flam\u0131nda); son olarak da Die deutsche Neurose<\/em> (1945 sonras\u0131 Almanya \u00fczerine).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Siyasi bak\u0131mdan Mohler a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a angaje biriydi ve baz\u0131 sahte hayranlar\u0131n\u0131n yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 gibi, yaln\u0131zca odas\u0131nda metapolitika yapm\u0131yordu. Bu y\u00fczden, Franz Sch\u00f6nhuber (Republikaner\u2019in lideri), \u00fcnl\u00fc tarih\u00e7i Hellmut Diwald (b\u00fcy\u00fck polemiklerden \u00e7ekinmeyen) ve Amerikal\u0131la\u015fm\u0131\u015f siyaset biliminin keskin bir ele\u015ftirmeni olan Hans-Joachim Arndt ile birlikte Bad Homburg\u2019da bir \u201cDeutschlandrat\u201d (Alman Konseyi) kurdu. Daha sonra Sch\u00f6nhuber\u2019in Republikaner hareketini destekledi ve onlar\u0131n bildirgesinin b\u00fcy\u00fck b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fc, Siegburger Manifest<\/em>\u2019i (1985), kaleme ald\u0131.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bu ak\u0131m\u0131n i\u00e7inde, \u201cmuhafazakar devrimciler\u201d hangi farkl\u0131 ak\u0131mlara veya e\u011filimlere ayr\u0131l\u0131yorlard\u0131?<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

G\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcz tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131 i\u00e7in hala bir \u00f6nemi oldu\u011fu i\u00e7in bug\u00fcn hat\u0131rlanmas\u0131 gereken ba\u015fl\u0131ca ak\u0131mlar, \u201culusal devrimciler\u201d, \u201cv\u00f6lkisch\u201d (Frans\u0131zcada \u2018folciste\u2019) ak\u0131m\u0131 ve \u201cJungkonservative\u201ddir. \u015eahsen, Schleswig-Holstein’daki \u201ck\u00f6yl\u00fc hareketi\u201dni \u201culusal devrimciler\u201d aras\u0131nda say\u0131yorum, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc bu hareket J\u00fcnger karde\u015fler ve Ernst Niekisch’in a\u00e7\u0131k ve net deste\u011fini alm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Daha sonra, 1945’ten 21. y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n ilk y\u0131llar\u0131na kadar, arkeoloji, dilbilim ve filoloji gibi do\u011frudan politik olmayan baz\u0131 ak\u0131mlar, tart\u0131\u015fmalardan \u00f6nce d\u0131\u015flanm\u0131\u015f, ancak daha sonra, \u00f6zellikle prehistorik veya protohistorik arkeoloji alan\u0131ndaki ara\u015ft\u0131rmalar\u0131n yeni teknikler sayesinde ge\u00e7erlili\u011fini ortaya koymas\u0131yla, b\u00fcy\u00fck bir h\u0131zla geri d\u00f6nm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr!<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cUlusal devrimci\u201d ak\u0131mdan, hayranlar\u0131 ve kar\u015f\u0131tlar\u0131 esas olarak a\u015f\u0131r\u0131l\u0131klar\u0131 (J\u00fcnger’in 1953’te ortadan kald\u0131rmak istedi\u011fi a\u015f\u0131r\u0131l\u0131klar\u0131) hat\u0131rlarlar. Kullan\u0131lan dil kesinlikle sert idi, ancak son d\u00f6nemlerde, \u00f6zellikle 2014’teki Kiev Maidan olaylar\u0131ndan ve BRICS \u00fclkelerinin geli\u015fmesinden bu yana, bu ak\u0131mda bir\u00e7ok \u00e7a\u011fda\u015f sorunun k\u00f6klerini ke\u015ffedebiliriz. Weimar Cumhuriyeti d\u00f6nemindeki ulusal devrimciler, Almanya’n\u0131n d\u0131\u015f politikas\u0131n\u0131, d\u00f6nemin b\u00fcy\u00fck partilerine ba\u011fl\u0131 liberaller, H\u0131ristiyan demokratlar ve sosyalistlerden \u00e7ok farkl\u0131 bir \u015fekilde g\u00f6r\u00fcyorlard\u0131. Onlar i\u00e7in Almanya \u201cbat\u0131l\u0131 bir \u00fclke\u201d de\u011fildi, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc bat\u0131, onlar\u0131n g\u00f6z\u00fcnde, derin devletinde p\u00fcriten ve Cromwellci temellere sahip \u0130ngiltere ve agresif ve fanatik cumhuriyet\u00e7i ideolojik karma\u015fas\u0131yla Fransa’dan ibaretti. ve son olarak, d\u0131\u015f politikada Wilsoncu uygulamalar\u0131 ve Almanya’y\u0131 finansman ve kurtarma planlar\u0131 (Young ve Dawes planlar\u0131) sunarak kendi kontrol\u00fc alt\u0131na alma iste\u011fi ile k\u0131sa g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fl\u00fc Alman burjuvazisi taraf\u0131ndan kabul edilen Amerika Birle\u015fik Devletleri’nden ibaretti. Bu Amerikan politikas\u0131, 1945’ten sonra Marshall Plan\u0131 ile ve yeni \u015eans\u00f6lye Merz’in \u00f6nderli\u011finde BlackRock’un \u015fu anki kontrol\u00fc ile s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fclecektir.<\/p>\n\n\n

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Daha sonra, 1920’ler ve 1930’larda Alman ulusal devrimciler, Bat\u0131 \u00fc\u00e7l\u00fcs\u00fcn\u00fcn dayatt\u0131\u011f\u0131 k\u0131ska\u00e7tan kurtulmak i\u00e7in, Almanya’n\u0131n g\u00fc\u00e7lerini gen\u00e7 Sovyetler Birli\u011fi’nin (burada ebedi Rusya’n\u0131n yeni bir avatar\u0131 g\u00f6rd\u00fcler) ve Kuo-Min-Tang \u00c7in’in g\u00fc\u00e7leriyle birle\u015ftirmeyi planlad\u0131lar (Alman askeri dan\u0131\u015fmanlar, aralar\u0131nda General Hans von Seekt’in de bulundu\u011fu) taraf\u0131ndan desteklenen \u00c7in ile g\u00fc\u00e7lerini birle\u015ftirmeyi planlad\u0131lar. Alman-Rus-\u00c7in \u201c\u00dc\u00e7l\u00fcs\u00fc\u201dnden s\u00f6z ediyorlard\u0131 ve bu \u00fc\u00e7l\u00fcye, \u0130ngiliz boyunduru\u011fundan kurtulan Hindistan, \u015eah Pahlavi taraf\u0131ndan yeniden canlanan \u0130ran, Kemalist T\u00fcrkiye ve Arap ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k\u00e7\u0131lar\u0131 (\u00f6zellikle Irakl\u0131lar ve Suriyeliler) da k\u0131sa s\u00fcrede kat\u0131lacaklard\u0131. Bu, asl\u0131nda Primakov’un \u00f6nceden savundu\u011fu politikayd\u0131! Kuo-Min-Tang’\u0131n anti-kom\u00fcnist bask\u0131s\u0131ndan sonra Sovyetler ve \u00c7inliler aras\u0131nda \u00e7\u0131kan anla\u015fmazl\u0131klar, Sovyetler Birli\u011fi’nin, \u00c7inli milliyet\u00e7iler bu \u00fc\u00e7l\u00fcye dahil oldu\u011fu s\u00fcrece, potansiyel bir \u201c\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc ittifak\u201da kat\u0131lmay\u0131 art\u0131k d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnmemesine neden oldu. Hitler’in iktidara gelmesi, b\u00f6yle bir Avrasya \u00dc\u00e7l\u00fcs\u00fc’n\u00fcn kurulma olas\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 daha da azaltt\u0131. B\u00f6yle bir \u201c\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc ittifak\u201d\u0131n kurulmas\u0131 i\u00e7in yap\u0131lan d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnceler ve eylemler, J\u00fcnger, Niekisch, Fischer ve Paetel’in konferanslar\u0131na kat\u0131lan bir \u00f6\u011frenci taraf\u0131ndan derinlemesine incelenmi\u015ftir. Bu \u00f6\u011frencinin ad\u0131 Otto-Ernst Sch\u00fcddekopf (1912-1984) idi. Bu konuda kapsaml\u0131 bir eser kaleme ald\u0131, ancak Paris ve ba\u015fka yerlerdeki kendilerini \u201culusal devrimci\u201d veya \u201cneo-sa\u011fc\u0131\u201d olarak adland\u0131ranlar bu eseri asla al\u0131nt\u0131lamazlar, bilmezler ve bilmek de istemezler: Nationalbolschewismus in Deutschland 1918-1933 <\/em>(Ullstein, 1960-72). Bat\u0131 \u00fc\u00e7l\u00fcs\u00fcne boyun e\u011fmeyi reddetme fikrini Mohler, Chicago Papers<\/em> (\u0130ngilizce yaz\u0131lm\u0131\u015f) adl\u0131 eserinde g\u00fcncelleyerek aktarm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. K\u0131sa bir metin olan ve bir dizi k\u0131sa y\u00f6nerge i\u00e7eren bu eser, \u00fclkesini Londra, Washington ve Paris’in yayd\u0131\u011f\u0131 zararl\u0131 etkilerden kurtarmak isteyen her Avrupal\u0131 i\u00e7in bir rehber niteli\u011finde olmal\u0131d\u0131r (Paris, Mohler’in hayran oldu\u011fu 1960’lar\u0131n Gaullist ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k politikas\u0131na geri d\u00f6nmedik\u00e7e).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Folkist hareket (v\u00f6lkisch<\/em>) bilimsel olarak incelenmi\u015ftir, ancak bu inceleme yak\u0131n zamanda yap\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bu hareket, 1971’de Alman \u0130mparatorlu\u011fu’nun ilan edilmesinden hemen sonra ortaya \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bu ilan, Fransa’n\u0131n 5 milyar alt\u0131n frank tutar\u0131nda \u00f6nemli bir sava\u015f tazminat\u0131 \u00f6demesine yol a\u00e7m\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. K\u00f6t\u00fc y\u00f6netilen bu sermaye ak\u0131\u015f\u0131, 1873’te bir finansal krize yol a\u00e7ar ve bu da en az zengin orta s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131 b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde memnuniyetsiz hale getirir. Bu s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n i\u00e7inde, milliyet\u00e7ilik ve sosyalizmi birle\u015ftiren ideolojik alternatifler ortaya \u00e7\u0131kar, ancak bunlar heterojen bi\u00e7imlerde ve her zaman gen\u00e7li\u011fin \u00f6zg\u00fcrle\u015fme hareketi, neo-ruralizm, ekoloji, \u201cya\u015fam reformu\u201d hareketleri (nudizm, vejeteryanl\u0131k, hayvan haklar\u0131, alkol kar\u015f\u0131tl\u0131\u011f\u0131 vb.) gibi di\u011fer politik olmayan ak\u0131mlarla da kar\u0131\u015f\u0131yordu. Folkist hareket, sosyal demokrasi veya H\u0131ristiyan demokrasisi (Zentrum<\/em>) veya baz\u0131 liberal partiler (o d\u00f6nemde liberalizm de heterojen bir yap\u0131ya sahipti) ile kar\u015f\u0131la\u015ft\u0131r\u0131labilir bir siyasi \u201cs\u00fctun\u201d olu\u015fturmay\u0131 ba\u015faramad\u0131. 1871 ile 1914 y\u0131llar\u0131 aras\u0131nda t\u00fcm folkist giri\u015fimlerin ortak paydas\u0131 olan sistemin reddi, bug\u00fcn Avrupa’n\u0131n her yerinde ortaya \u00e7\u0131kan pop\u00fclist hareketlerde de g\u00f6r\u00fclmektedir. Bunun nedeni, 2008’deki finansal krizin etkilerinin hen\u00fcz \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclmemi\u015f olmas\u0131d\u0131r. Bu finansal krize, ahlaki, siyasi, g\u00f6\u00e7le ilgili vb. di\u011fer krizler de eklenmektedir. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla, mevcut sisteme kar\u015f\u0131 bir itiraz olarak folkist hareketi incelemek, kendi d\u00f6nemimizi anlamak i\u00e7in yararl\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Mohler ile \u015fahsen tan\u0131\u015fm\u0131\u015ft\u0131n\u0131z. Onu nas\u0131l hat\u0131rl\u0131yorsunuz? Onun entelekt\u00fcel ki\u015fili\u011fi ile bireysel karakteri aras\u0131nda nas\u0131l bir ili\u015fki oldu\u011funu d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcyordunuz?<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n

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Mohler ile olan ili\u015fkilerim, daha \u00f6nce de belirtti\u011fim gibi, esasen telefon arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla ger\u00e7ekle\u015fiyordu. \u0130lk temas\u0131m\u0131z, Mart\u2013Aral\u0131k 1981 aras\u0131nda Paris\u2019te Nouvelle \u00c9cole<\/em> dergisinin yaz\u0131 i\u015fleri b\u00fcrosunda \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131m d\u00f6nemde oldu: tan\u0131\u015ft\u0131k ve bir sonraki g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fmede, M\u00fcnih\u2019teki Herbig yay\u0131nevi taraf\u0131ndan yay\u0131mlanan \u201cmavi seri\u201d ad\u0131n\u0131 ta\u015f\u0131yan yeni bir kitap dizisini konu\u015ftuk. Bu dizinin amac\u0131, ulusal-devrimci \u00e7izgide al\u0131\u015f\u0131lm\u0131\u015f\u0131n d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda ve uyumsuz tezleri yaymakt\u0131 (\u00f6rne\u011fin Henning Eichberg\u2019in bir kitab\u0131 ve Uwe Sauermann\u2019\u0131n Niekisch \u00fczerine yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 doktora tezinin \u00f6zeti bu seride yay\u0131mland\u0131). Ayn\u0131 y\u0131l, sonbaharda, Mohler, Flandre\u2019de Tekos<\/em> dergisinin d\u00fczenledi\u011fi bir kolokyum i\u00e7in Laarne \u015eatosu\u2019na geldi: y\u00fcz y\u00fcze ilk kar\u015f\u0131la\u015fmam\u0131z b\u00f6yle oldu. Not etmek gerekir ki, o \u00e7al\u0131\u015ftay\u0131n kat\u0131l\u0131mc\u0131lar\u0131 aras\u0131nda Bel\u00e7ikal\u0131 sosyalist teorisyen ve bakan Henri de Man\u2019\u0131n eski sekreteri Edgard Delvo da vard\u0131. De Man, planizm teorisiyle tan\u0131nm\u0131\u015ft\u0131; bu yakla\u015f\u0131m, \u00f6\u011frencilerinden Andr\u00e9 Philip arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla gaullizm \u00fczerinde etkili olacakt\u0131 (Philip, o d\u00f6nemin Alman iktidar\u0131yla herhangi bir uzla\u015fmay\u0131 reddetmi\u015fti).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

1983\u2019te Mohler, GRECE\u2019nin Paris\u2019te d\u00fczenledi\u011fi bir kolokyuma kat\u0131ld\u0131. Temmuz 1984\u2019te ise M\u00fcnih\u2019teki evinde kendisini ziyaret ettim. E\u015fi Edith ile tan\u0131\u015ft\u0131m; o, her zaman sadakatle ve kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k beklemeden e\u015finin giri\u015fimlerini desteklemi\u015f, ayn\u0131 zamanda en kusursuz nezaketin timsali olmu\u015ftu. O g\u00fcn korkun\u00e7 bir s\u0131cak vard\u0131, hepimiz bu kavurucu havadan \u00e7ok bunalm\u0131\u015ft\u0131k; bu y\u00fczden uzun sohbetler ne yaz\u0131k ki m\u00fcmk\u00fcn olmad\u0131. Hepimiz bitkin ve halsizdik. Ev, kitaplarla t\u0131kl\u0131m t\u0131kl\u0131md\u0131, \u00f6zellikle de sanat kitaplar\u0131yla; \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc Mohler, s\u00fcrekli politika ve metapolitikaya ilgi duymas\u0131n\u0131n yan\u0131 s\u0131ra, ayn\u0131 zamanda \u00e7ok derin bir sanat tarih\u00e7isiydi ve avangardlar\u0131n hem politik-ideolojik hem de estetik a\u00e7\u0131dan devrimci mesajlar\u0131n\u0131n uzman\u0131yd\u0131. 20. y\u00fczy\u0131l ideolojilerini, avangardlar\u0131n belirli aral\u0131klarla yapt\u0131klar\u0131 \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015flar\u0131 hesaba katmadan anlamak imk\u00e2ns\u0131zd\u0131r. Almanya i\u00e7in d\u0131\u015favurumculuk, Fransa i\u00e7in s\u00fcrrealizm ve onun \u00e7ok say\u0131da t\u00fcrevi, Bel\u00e7ika ve Flaman hareketi i\u00e7in Wies Moens, Paul Van Ostaijen, Michel Seuphor ve Marc Eemans \u00f6rnek g\u00f6sterilebilir. Bu avangardlar\u0131n ilk siyasi ba\u011fl\u0131l\u0131klar\u0131 \u00e7o\u011fu kez kom\u00fcnistti, ancak sonraki geli\u015fimleri onlar\u0131 farkl\u0131 ve \u00e7e\u015fitli ufuklara ta\u015f\u0131d\u0131; hep d\u00f6nemin konformizmine ve \u00f6zellikle h\u00e2kim partilerin s\u0131\u011f politikac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 oldular. T\u0131pk\u0131 gen\u00e7 \u00f6\u011frenci Mohler\u2019in ilk metapolitik aray\u0131\u015flar\u0131nda sola y\u00f6nelip, sonra geri kalan t\u00fcm ideolojik yolculu\u011fu boyunca sert bir sa\u011f \u00e7izgiye kaymas\u0131 gibi.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

1984 Temmuz\u2019undaki o kavurucu g\u00fcnde, Mohler beni apartman\u0131n\u0131n y\u00fckseltilmi\u015f bodrum kat\u0131na indirdi; burada k\u00fct\u00fcphanesinin en de\u011ferli hazinelerini sakl\u0131yordu: imzal\u0131, orijinal ve \u00e7ok nadir eserler. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc Mohler ayn\u0131 zamanda titiz bir koleksiyoncu idi.<\/p>\n\n\n

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Georges Sorel <\/figcaption><\/figure>\n<\/div>\n\n\n

Onun entelekt\u00fcel ki\u015fili\u011fine gelince, ara\u015ft\u0131rmalar\u0131nda titiz ama a\u00e7\u0131klamalar\u0131nda her zaman \u00f6\u011fretici, harekete ge\u00e7meye \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131lar\u0131nda ise sars\u0131c\u0131 bir \u00fcsluba sahipti. Amac\u0131, yeni bir devrim filizlendirmek i\u00e7in radikal veya y\u0131k\u0131c\u0131 metinlerdeki \u00f6z\u00fc ke\u015ffetmeye y\u00f6nlendirmekti. Alman k\u00fclt\u00fcr \u00e7evresinin ge\u00e7mi\u015f ideolojik miras\u0131n\u0131 \u00e7ok iyi biliyordu ama hi\u00e7bir zaman belirli bir ge\u00e7mi\u015fe hapsolmuyordu. Caspar von Schrenck-Notzing\u2019in Criticon<\/em> dergisinde Mohler\u2019in bize a\u00e7t\u0131\u011f\u0131 ufuklar hakk\u0131nda Marc L\u00fcdders\u2019in bana y\u0131llar \u00f6nce y\u00f6neltti\u011fi bir r\u00f6portajda cevap verme f\u0131rsat\u0131m oldu. O a\u00e7t\u0131\u011f\u0131 ufuklar\u0131n hi\u00e7birinde do\u011frudan tarih\u00ee olaylar, ki\u015filer ya da vakalar yoktu; tek istisna Georges Sorel idi. Sorel\u2019i temel, vazge\u00e7ilmez bir referans olarak g\u00f6r\u00fcyordu. Hatta denebilir ki, Mohler \u201cmuhafazak\u00e2r-devrimci\u201d olmadan \u00f6nce \u201cSorelci\u201dydi (ger\u00e7i \u201cmuhafazak\u00e2r\u201d kelimesini bazen kullansa da asl\u0131nda kendisine \u00e7ok uygun bulmazd\u0131).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Mohler, \u00e7a\u011fda\u015f fikirlere her zaman dikkat kesilir, \u00e7o\u011fu kez g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fc\u015flerin tersine, onlarda J\u00fcngerci muhafazak\u00e2r devrimin devam\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fcrd\u00fc. Bu \u00f6zellikle, Wolfgang Welsch ile birlikte postmoderniteye verdi\u011fi tan\u0131mda ge\u00e7erlidir. Postmodernizm, bug\u00fcn Bat\u0131\u2019da neoliberal prati\u011fin yede\u011finde \u00e7\u00fcr\u00fcm\u00fc\u015f h\u00e2kim ideolojiye d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr. Oysa Welsch ve Mohler\u2019e g\u00f6re postmodernite, Ayd\u0131nlanma\u2019dan (ve Kartezyenlikten \u2013 s\u00fcrrealistlerin de kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u015feylerden) t\u00fcremi\u015f liberalizmin donukluklar\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 bir ak\u0131m olmal\u0131yd\u0131. G\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde Aleksandr Dugin de benzer bir g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015ftedir: modernitenin \u00f6tesine ge\u00e7ilecekse bu, bug\u00fcnk\u00fc resm\u00ee postmodernizm de\u011fil, sisteme kar\u015f\u0131 yeni bir ufuk olmal\u0131d\u0131r; \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc mevcut sistem Bat\u0131\u2019y\u0131 ve t\u00fcm Amerikan d\u00fcnyas\u0131n\u0131 k\u00fclt\u00fcrel ve politik bir batakl\u0131\u011fa s\u00fcr\u00fcklemi\u015ftir, \u00fcst\u00fcne de wokizm ve \u201ciptal k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fc\u201d eklenmi\u015ftir. \u201cYeni Sa\u011f\u201d i\u00e7inde bu bak\u0131\u015fa benzer bir perspektifi yaln\u0131zca Guillaume Faye geli\u015ftirdi: yumu\u015fak, liberal modernite terk edilmeli, bunun yerine k\u00f6klerini Yunan mitolojisi ve presokratik d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncede unutmayan faust\u00e7u-teknik\u00e7i bir modernite benimsenmelidir. Faye buna \u201carkeof\u00fct\u00fcrizm\u201d ad\u0131n\u0131 verdi.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Mohler\u2019in ki\u015fisel karakter \u00f6zelliklerine gelince: \u00f6zellikle bir gurme (ve biraz da obur) idi; Frans\u0131z mutfa\u011f\u0131n\u0131n iyi yemeklerini, Burgonya ve Bordeaux ba\u011flar\u0131n\u0131n \u015faraplar\u0131n\u0131 severdi. Ve daha \u00f6nce s\u00f6yledi\u011fim gibi, ele ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 konularla ilgili her \u015feyin ate\u015fli bir koleksiyoncusuydu.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ernst J\u00fcnger\u2019in sekreteri olmas\u0131, Mohler\u2019in entelekt\u00fcel yolculu\u011funu etkiledi mi? Onun J\u00fcnger\u2019le ili\u015fkisi neydi, ayn\u0131 zamanda muhafazak\u00e2r devrim\u2019in di\u011fer fig\u00fcrleriyle ili\u015fkisi nas\u0131ld\u0131? <\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n

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Armin Mohler, Gretha ve Ernst J\u00fcnger<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n<\/div>\n\n\n

J\u00fcnger\u2019in yan\u0131nda ge\u00e7en 1949 ile 1953 aras\u0131ndaki y\u0131llar, ku\u015fkusuz Mohler \u00fczerinde belirleyici bir etki b\u0131rakt\u0131, ancak onun temel fikirleri, J\u00fcnger\u2019in Konstanz G\u00f6l\u00fc (Bodensee) k\u0131y\u0131s\u0131ndaki Ravensburg\u2019daki yeni evine gitmeden \u00f6nce, yani Friedrich-Georg J\u00fcnger\u2019in de ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131 bu b\u00f6lgede, zaten \u015fekillenmi\u015fti. Daha \u00f6nce de s\u00f6yledi\u011fim gibi, Mohler 1920\u2019ler ve 1930\u2019lardaki ulusal-devrimci hareketi yeniden canland\u0131rmak, Weimar Cumhuriyeti\u2019ne y\u00f6neltilen ulusal-devrimci ele\u015ftiriler kadar sert ele\u015ftirilerle yeni Federal Cumhuriyet\u2019i hedef almak ve nihayetinde Amerikal\u0131lar taraf\u0131ndan dayat\u0131lm\u0131\u015f bir rejimi y\u0131kmak istiyordu. T\u0131pk\u0131 ulusal-devrimcilerin, Frans\u0131zlara teslim edilmi\u015f, tazminatlarla bo\u011fu\u015fan ve Amerikal\u0131lar\u0131n Alman ekonomisinin d\u00fcmenine ge\u00e7ti\u011fi, Wilson ilkeleri ad\u0131na her t\u00fcrl\u00fc egemenlik ya da ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k iddias\u0131n\u0131n kriminalize edildi\u011fi, topal bir rejimi yok etmek istemeleri gibi. (Ama bu durumun ilk kurban\u0131, Man\u00e7urya\u2019y\u0131 ele ge\u00e7irdikten sonra hedef al\u0131nan Japonya olmu\u015ftu.)<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Mohler ku\u015fkusuz Carl Schmitt\u2019in bir okuruydu ve \u201cb\u00fcy\u00fck alan\u201d (Avrupa) fikrini, benim alan\u0131ma yabanc\u0131 bir g\u00fcc\u00fcn m\u00fcdahalesinin yasaklanmas\u0131 ilkesini (yani Amerika\u2019n\u0131n Avrupa\u2019ya veya Asya\u2019ya kar\u0131\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131n engellenmesini), siyas\u00ee s\u00fcre\u00e7te karar\u0131n \u00f6nceli\u011fini, bir \u00fclkenin tarihinde istisna h\u00e2lin \u00f6nemini vs. benimsedi. Bir g\u00fcn \u015funu da dile getirdi: Carl Schmitt\u2019in daima hareket etti\u011fi Katolik sistem ona yabanc\u0131yd\u0131. Ayn\u0131 \u015fekilde, Criticon<\/em> dergisinde polemi\u011fe girdi\u011fi Katolik Thomas Molnar\u2019\u0131n Aristoteles\u00e7i-Thomas\u00e7\u0131 sistemi de ona yabanc\u0131yd\u0131. Mohler \u201cnominalist\u201dtir (her ne kadar bu terim pek talihli olmasa da), yani kahramanca varolu\u015f\u00e7udur. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc Katoliklerin tutundu\u011fu her t\u00fcrl\u00fc \u00f6zsel kesinli\u011fin \u00f6tesinde, Mohler\u2019e g\u00f6re karizmatik bir \u00f6nderin ya da g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc bir se\u00e7kinler z\u00fcmresinin iradesi tarihin ak\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131 de\u011fi\u015ftirebilir: onun tarih anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131 ne do\u011frusal ne de d\u00f6ng\u00fcseldir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

O, ge\u00e7mi\u015fin t\u00fcm miras\u0131n\u0131 ink\u00e2r ederek ya da unutarak, durmaks\u0131z\u0131n gelece\u011fe do\u011fru y\u00fcr\u00fcyen ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz bir ilerlemeye inanmaz. B\u00f6yle bir y\u00fcr\u00fcy\u00fc\u015f kal\u0131c\u0131 olamaz; er ya da ge\u00e7 \u00e7\u0131kmaza girer ve \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015fe s\u00fcr\u00fcklenir. Ayn\u0131 \u015fekilde, d\u00fczenli olarak ayn\u0131 \u015feyin geri d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcne de inanmaz. Onun tarih anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131 k\u00fcreseldir: zaman\u0131n k\u00fcresi kendi ekseni etraf\u0131nda d\u00f6ner ve karizmatik lider ya da g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc elit, iradesiyle ve yaln\u0131zca kudretinin icras\u0131 ile k\u00fcreyi kendi se\u00e7ti\u011fi y\u00f6nde d\u00f6nd\u00fcrebilir. Ve b\u00f6ylece, siyas\u00ee, ulusal veya uygarl\u0131\u011fa dair bir b\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fcn tarihinde yeni bir d\u00f6nemi a\u00e7abilir. Yeni de\u011ferler tesis ederek ya da \u00f6nceki \u00e7a\u011f\u0131n yorulmu\u015f de\u011ferlerini d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrerek. K\u0131sacas\u0131, b\u00f6ylece yeni bir \u201ceksen \u00e7a\u011f\u0131\u201dn\u0131n ba\u015flamas\u0131 s\u00f6z konusu olur. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla ebed\u00ee t\u00fcmeller, kal\u0131c\u0131 genellikler yoktur. \u0130\u015fte bu noktada Mohler, Nietzschecidir: \u201cAmor fati.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Muhafazakar devrim hareketi Almanya d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda nas\u0131l kar\u015f\u0131land\u0131? Fransa ve \u0130talya\u2019daki ak\u0131mlarla ne t\u00fcr ili\u015fkiler geli\u015ftirdi? Sizce bug\u00fcn h\u00e2l\u00e2 \u201cmuhafazakar devrim\u201d olarak nitelendirilebilecek bir hareket var m\u0131?<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Almanya d\u0131\u015f\u0131ndaki muhafazakar devrimcili\u011fin etkisini anlamaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmak i\u00e7in, \u00f6nce \u015funu bilmek gerekir: Almanca dili 1940\u2019tan \u00f6nce \u0130skandinav, Hollanda\/Flandre, \u0130svi\u00e7re, Macar, \u00c7ek, Leh, H\u0131rvat veya Sloven \u00e7evrelerinde (en az\u0131ndan okuma yoluyla) bug\u00fcn oldu\u011fundan \u00e7ok daha iyi biliniyor ve kullan\u0131l\u0131yordu. Bug\u00fcn art\u0131k her \u015fey \u0130ngilizceye ge\u00e7mi\u015f durumda. \u0130talya\u2019da da 1940\u2019tan \u00f6nce Alman d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncelerine ilgi b\u00fcy\u00fckt\u00fc ve bug\u00fcn de Avrupa\u2019n\u0131n ba\u015fka yerlerine k\u0131yasla bu ilgi \u0130talya\u2019da h\u00e2l\u00e2 daha canl\u0131d\u0131r. Bununla birlikte, Alman muhafazakar devriminin b\u00fcy\u00fck fig\u00fcrlerinin art\u0131k t\u00fcm d\u00fcnyada klasik h\u00e2line geldi\u011fini d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcyorum: Kendi \u00e7al\u0131\u015fman\u0131z\u0131 g\u00f6z \u00f6n\u00fcnde bulundurman\u0131z ve Carl Schmitt\u2019in metinlerinin art\u0131k Xi Jinping\u2019in \u00c7in\u2019inde vazge\u00e7ilmez referanslar h\u00e2line geldi\u011fini bilmeniz yeterli. Mohler bir keresinde, muhafazakar devrim \u00fczerine yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 doktora tezinde al\u0131nt\u0131lad\u0131\u011f\u0131 yazarlar\u0131n be\u015fte d\u00f6rd\u00fcn\u00fcn unutuldu\u011funu ya da bug\u00fcn art\u0131k hi\u00e7bir \u00f6nem ta\u015f\u0131mad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 s\u00f6ylemi\u015fti. Bu do\u011fru. Ama b\u00fcy\u00fck klasikler g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczdeki temel tart\u0131\u015fmalarda her zamankinden daha \u00f6nemli: J\u00fcnger, Spengler, Schmitt, Haushofer, sistemi sorgulamak s\u00f6z konusu oldu\u011funda h\u00e2l\u00e2 vazge\u00e7ilmez d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcrlerdir ve t\u00fcm keskinliklerini korumaktad\u0131rlar. Onlar yenilmi\u015flerin kamp\u0131na aittiler, ancak galipler kurduklar\u0131 sistemi i\u015fler halde tutmay\u0131 ba\u015faramad\u0131lar. Bu sistem bat\u0131yor, her yan\u0131ndan su al\u0131yor, \u00f6zellikle de 2008 krizinden beri. Az \u00f6nce sayd\u0131\u011f\u0131m d\u00f6rtl\u00fcn\u00fcn sundu\u011fu re\u00e7eteler, liberal-Amerikanc\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131zl\u0131klar\u0131na \u00e7are bulmak ve Mohler ile Welsch\u2019in \u00f6ng\u00f6rd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc, bug\u00fcn de Dugin\u2019in dile getirdi\u011fi ger\u00e7ek bir postmoderniteye ge\u00e7i\u015f i\u00e7in gerekli re\u00e7etelerdir.<\/p>\n\n\n

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De Gaulle<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n<\/div>\n\n\n

Mohler, 1953\u2019ten itibaren Fransa\u2019da \u00e7e\u015fitli Alman ve \u0130svi\u00e7re-Alman gazetelerinin muhabiriydi. Paris\u2019te d\u00f6rt-be\u015f y\u0131l kald\u0131. 1963\u2019te, yani De Gaulle ile Adenauer\u2019in Frans\u0131z Cumhurba\u015fkan\u0131\u2019n\u0131n yazl\u0131k ikametg\u00e2h\u0131 olan Colombey-les-deux-\u00c9glises\u2019de bir araya gelerek Frans\u0131z-Alman uzla\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131n temellerini att\u0131\u011f\u0131 y\u0131lda, daha sonra yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 g\u00f6zlemlerden gaullizm \u00fczerine bir bilan\u00e7o \u00e7\u0131kard\u0131. Mohler, De Gaulle Fransas\u0131 \u00fczerine ikinci bir doktora tezi yazacak ve bu sayede, Cezayir sava\u015f\u0131n\u0131n \u00e7alkant\u0131 ve sars\u0131nt\u0131lar\u0131ndan sonra 1960\u2019lar Fransas\u0131\u2019n\u0131n ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k ve egemenlik ruhunu \u00f6verek geni\u015f okur kitlesine hitap eden kayda de\u011fer bir kitap kaleme alacakt\u0131 (bkz. Die F\u00fcnfte Republik. Was steht hinter de Gaulle?<\/em>, Piper, M\u00fcnih, 1963). Mohler, Frans\u0131z sa\u011f\u0131n\u0131n o d\u00f6nemde cumhurba\u015fkan\u0131na \u00e7ok d\u00fc\u015fman oldu\u011fu ve milliyet\u00e7i militanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n OAS (Gizli Ordu \u00d6rg\u00fct\u00fc) bi\u00e7imini ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir zamanda Gaullien bir Fransa\u2019ya yat\u0131r\u0131m yap\u0131yordu. OAS, Cezayir\u2019de ve Fransa topraklar\u0131nda bir\u00e7ok sald\u0131r\u0131 d\u00fczenleyen, ard\u0131ndan da De Gaulle\u2019\u00fc \u00f6ld\u00fcrmeye kalk\u0131\u015fan gizli bir \u00f6rg\u00fctt\u00fc. \u201cYeni sa\u011f\u201d\u0131n pek \u00e7ok \u00f6nc\u00fcs\u00fc OAS\u2019tan ya da bu \u00f6rg\u00fct\u00fcn sempatizan \u00e7evrelerinden geliyordu. Mohler bu nedenle onlar kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda ters bir pozisyondayd\u0131. J\u00fcnger\u2019den, \u00f6nde gelen siyasi ki\u015filiklere y\u00f6nelik suikastlar\u0131 sistematik olarak reddetmeyi miras alm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. J\u00fcnger, (Ernst von Salomon\u2019un kat\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131) Rathenau suikast\u0131n\u0131 tavsiye etmemi\u015f, Claus von Stauffenberg\u2019in (ailece yak\u0131n oldu\u011fu biriydi) Hitler\u2019e d\u00fczenledi\u011fi sald\u0131r\u0131y\u0131 da tehlikeli bulmu\u015ftu. Mohler de ayn\u0131 mant\u0131kla De Gaulle\u2019e y\u00f6nelik suikast\u0131 onaylamazd\u0131.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u0130talya’da ne yaz\u0131k ki Mohler ile ayn\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fte olabilecek say\u0131s\u0131z \u0130talyan \u015fahsiyet aras\u0131ndaki ba\u011flar bana \u00e7ok zay\u0131f, hatta yok denecek kadar az g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcyor. Bu \u00e7ok yaz\u0131k, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc bana g\u00f6re \u0130talya, jakobinizm ve a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 solculu\u011fun \u00e7ifte bask\u0131s\u0131n\u0131n \u00e7ok daha a\u011f\u0131r oldu\u011fu ve bug\u00fcn, yeniden \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme ve kar\u015f\u0131 sald\u0131r\u0131 a\u015famas\u0131nda olan non-konformizme Avrupa’n\u0131n di\u011fer yerlerinden \u00e7ok daha sinsi bir bask\u0131 uygulanan Fransa’dan daha verimli bir zemin sunuyor.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Mohler’in \u00e7izdi\u011fi entelekt\u00fcel \u00e7izgi, \u00e7a\u011fda\u015f sa\u011fc\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnceyi ne \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde etkilemi\u015ftir?<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

K\u0131sa bir s\u00fcre \u00f6nce, Alman bir arkada\u015f\u0131m Mohler’in miras\u0131 konusunda \u015f\u00fcpheci oldu\u011funu s\u00f6yledi: Sesinde b\u00fcy\u00fck bir \u00fcz\u00fcnt\u00fcyle, entelekt\u00fcel \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn, e\u011fitim sistemlerinin \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcn ve her yerde yayg\u0131n olan wokizm’in ya\u015fand\u0131\u011f\u0131 g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde, bu politik polemik\u00e7inin unutulmu\u015f olmas\u0131n\u0131 \u00fcz\u00fcnt\u00fcyle kar\u015f\u0131lad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 belirtti. Bu k\u0131smen do\u011frudur, ancak G\u00f6tz Kubitschek (Mohler’in cenazesinde mezar\u0131n\u0131n ba\u015f\u0131nda bir anma konu\u015fmas\u0131 yapan) ve e\u015fi Ellen Kositza’n\u0131n, Dr. Lehnert’in de\u011ferli yard\u0131m\u0131yla y\u00f6netti\u011fi Sezession dergisi etraf\u0131nda toplanan k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck bir grup istisna olu\u015fturmaktad\u0131r. Bu ekip, Mohler’in yay\u0131nlanmam\u0131\u015f metinlerini veya t\u00fckenmi\u015f eserlerini i\u00e7eren derlemeler yay\u0131nlad\u0131. Bu derlemeler, Mohler’in biyografisini ve onun giri\u015fimlerinin ortaya \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u0130svi\u00e7re ve Almanya’daki ba\u011flam\u0131 anlamak i\u00e7in \u00e7ok de\u011ferlidir. Sezession ekibi ile AfD’nin baz\u0131 unsurlar\u0131 aras\u0131nda ba\u011flant\u0131lar oldu\u011fu do\u011frudur, ancak bu ba\u011flant\u0131lar, her zamanki gibi, yorucu ve \u201ceski partiler\u201d ile Alman ve yabanc\u0131 medya d\u00fcnyas\u0131n\u0131n histerik tetik\u00e7ileri taraf\u0131ndan s\u00fcrekli olarak y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fclen karalama kampanyalar\u0131n\u0131n getirdi\u011fi belirsizliklere ve sars\u0131nt\u0131lara maruz kalmaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Mohler’in eserlerinden ve onun inceledi\u011fi muhafazakar devrim yazarlar\u0131ndan, onlardan ilham alan olas\u0131 bir siyasi yenilenme i\u00e7in re\u00e7eteler \u00e7\u0131karmak i\u00e7in bence, 1960’lar\u0131n Fransa’s\u0131 \u00fczerine yazd\u0131\u011f\u0131 kitab\u0131 (Yunanca ve felsefi anlam\u0131yla) ele\u015ftirel bir bak\u0131\u015f a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131yla yeniden okumak gerekir. Bu kitapta, yar\u0131 bilginler, barlarda gevezelik edenler, sahte avukatlar ve \u00e7\u0131lg\u0131n tiplerden olu\u015fan parlamentolar yerine, tek bir ki\u015fi (bu durumda De Gaulle) izlenecek yolu belirliyordu. B\u00f6yle bir \u015fahsiyetin etraf\u0131nda, t\u00fcm ideolojik tart\u0131\u015fmalara a\u015fina, art\u0131lar\u0131 ve eksileri tartabilen, sa\u011f ve soldan gelen non-konformistlerden olu\u015fan karma ekipler kurulmal\u0131 ve \u201cliberallerin\u201d yetersizli\u011finden sars\u0131lan toplumlara yeni bir soluk getirmelidir ” (Mohler’in ve Anglosakson \u00fclkelerin genel kelime da\u011farc\u0131\u011f\u0131ndaki anlam\u0131yla) yetersizli\u011finden sars\u0131lan toplumlara yeni bir soluk getirmek i\u00e7in kurulmal\u0131d\u0131r. De Gaulle, tutars\u0131z partilerden gelen milletvekillerinden olu\u015fan bir parlamentodan farkl\u0131 bir temsil bi\u00e7imi istiyordu: ger\u00e7ek d\u00fcnyadan, somut halktan gelen temsilcilerin yer ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir meslekler ve b\u00f6lgeler senatosu \u00f6neriyordu.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Daha da \u00f6nemlisi, Von Rechts gesehen<\/em> (\u201cSa\u011fdan bak\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda\u201d) adl\u0131 kitab\u0131nda yeniden yay\u0131nlanan Chicago Papers<\/em>‘\u0131n i\u00e7eri\u011fini yeniden d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnmek ve i\u00e7selle\u015ftirmek gerekiyordu. Avrupa’daki, ama \u00f6zellikle Frans\u0131zca konu\u015fulan \u00fclkelerdeki \u201cyeni sa\u011f\u201d hareketlerinde 52 y\u0131l faaliyet g\u00f6sterdikten sonra bile, bu Chicago Papers’\u0131n metapolitik ve politik sa\u011f\u0131n d\u0131\u015f politika veya Avrupa politikas\u0131 konusunda temel bilgilerini olu\u015fturmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 veya art\u0131k olu\u015fturmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6rmek beni hayrete d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcr\u00fcyor. Bu belgeler hi\u00e7bir zaman Frans\u0131zca, \u0130talyanca veya \u0130spanyolca’ya \u00e7evrilip yay\u0131nlanmad\u0131. \u201cYeni sa\u011f\u201d\u0131n (\u00f6zellikle Parisli) s\u00f6zde \u201cmohleryenleri\u201d bu belgeleri sistematik olarak g\u00f6rmezden geldi: Cezayir’deki olaylar ve OAS’\u0131n faaliyetleri g\u00f6z \u00f6n\u00fcne al\u0131nd\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, 1960’lar\u0131n Fransa’s\u0131n\u0131 anlatan kitab\u0131 g\u00f6rmezden gelmelerini anlayabiliriz. Ancak, 1975 y\u0131l\u0131nda Amerika \u00fczerine yay\u0131nlanan Nouvelle<\/em> \u00e9cole<\/em> dergisinin say\u0131s\u0131 (esas olarak \u0130talyan filozof Giorgio Locchi taraf\u0131ndan yaz\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r) ve \u00e9l\u00e9ments <\/em>dergisinin \u201cBat\u0131 medeniyetine son vermek\u201d ba\u015fl\u0131kl\u0131 say\u0131s\u0131 (Guillaume Faye’nin \u00f6nc\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcnde yaz\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r) ile anti-Amerikan se\u00e7enek ortaya \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, Chicago Papers, bu metapolitik m\u00fccadelede veya benzer di\u011fer faaliyetlerde yer alan t\u00fcm militanlar i\u00e7in bir pusula g\u00f6revi g\u00f6rmeliydi. Bu metin \u00e7ok k\u0131sad\u0131r ve i\u00e7eri\u011fi kolayca anla\u015f\u0131labilir. Bu metin, iyiyi k\u00f6t\u00fcy\u00fc ay\u0131rmaya ve Amerikanosferde ve resmi medyada g\u00fcn boyu dayat\u0131lan sahte \u201cpropaganda ger\u00e7ekleri\u201dne bir daha asla kanmamaya olanak tan\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Mohler’e g\u00f6re, Gaullizm d\u00f6rt a\u015famadan ge\u00e7mi\u015ftir ve bunlardan sonuncusu, gelecek a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan en ilgin\u00e7 ve en verimli olan\u0131d\u0131r: \u201cB\u00fcy\u00fck Politika\u201d a\u015famas\u0131, \u00f6zellikle 1966’da Phnom Penh’de yap\u0131lan konu\u015fmada dile getirilen alternatif bir k\u00fcresel jeopolitik ile, Fransa’n\u0131n NATO komutanl\u0131\u011f\u0131ndan ayr\u0131lmak suretiyle Amerikan boyunduru\u011fundan kurtulmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve \u201chaydut\u201d olarak nitelendirilen devletlerle (\u00f6rne\u011fin \u00c7in) teredd\u00fct etmeden anla\u015fma yapmaya ve d\u00fcnya \u00e7ap\u0131nda, \u00f6zellikle Avustralya ve G\u00fcney Amerika’da Dassault Mirage u\u00e7aklar\u0131 satmak suretiyle do\u011frudan rekabet ederek ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z bir politika izlemeye ba\u015flad\u0131\u011f\u0131 d\u00f6nemdir. ” (\u00f6rne\u011fin \u00c7in) olarak de\u011ferlendirilen devletlerle anla\u015fmaya varmaktan \u00e7ekinmeden ve d\u00fcnya \u00e7ap\u0131nda ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z bir politika izlemekten \u00e7ekinmeden, \u00f6zellikle Avustralya ve G\u00fcney Amerika’ya Dassault Mirage u\u00e7aklar\u0131 satarak, Amerikan avc\u0131-bombard\u0131man u\u00e7a\u011f\u0131 \u00fcreticileriyle do\u011frudan rekabet etmi\u015ftir. Bu \u201cB\u00fcy\u00fck Politika\u201d, May\u0131s 68’de \u2018karga\u015fa\u2019 ortaya \u00e7\u0131k\u0131p \u201ckurumlar aras\u0131nda uzun y\u00fcr\u00fcy\u00fc\u015f\u00fcne\u201d ba\u015flad\u0131\u011f\u0131nda \u00e7\u00f6kt\u00fc ve Fransa’y\u0131 Sarkozy ve Hollande d\u00f6nemindeki b\u00fcy\u00fck \u015fenlik fars\u0131na, Macron d\u00f6neminde ise tam bir \u00e7\u00fcr\u00fcme ve \u00e7\u0131lg\u0131n wokizm’e s\u00fcr\u00fckledi. May\u0131s 68, tam anlam\u0131yla bir \u201crenkli devrim\u201ddi.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Mohler, J\u00fcnger’in de\u011fil, Schmitt’in okuyucusu olarak, muhafazakar devrimin ilkeleri ad\u0131na Gaullisttir. De Gaulle’\u00fc sadece Schmitt’in kriterlerine g\u00f6re yarg\u0131lamaman\u0131n nas\u0131l m\u00fcmk\u00fcn oldu\u011funu anlamaz. OAS’\u0131n a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 u\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131n maceras\u0131n\u0131 iki sat\u0131rla yorumlar. Mohler, \u201cyeni sa\u011f\u201d\u0131n (Nouvelle Droite ) gelecekteki liderlerinden farkl\u0131 bir siyasi \u00e7evreden geliyordu. Alman yeni sa\u011f\u0131n\u0131n ba\u015fka \u00f6zellikleri de vard\u0131r: Mohler ile Frans\u0131z Nouvelle Droite (J\u00fcngerci Dominique Venner ile) aras\u0131ndaki yak\u0131nla\u015fma, Cezayir Sava\u015f\u0131’n\u0131n yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 b\u00f6l\u00fcnmelerin do\u011frudan siyasi \u00f6nemi ortadan kalkt\u0131\u011f\u0131nda ger\u00e7ekle\u015fecekti.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Mohler, Gaullist ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k\u00e7\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 Almanya’ya ta\u015f\u0131mak istiyordu. \u015eubat 1968’de Chicago’da d\u00fczenlenen \u201cAvrupa-Amerika Sempozyumu<\/em>\u201dnda Gaullist \u201cB\u00fcy\u00fck Politika<\/em>\u201dn\u0131n bak\u0131\u015f a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 savunacakt\u0131. \u0130ngilizce yaz\u0131lm\u0131\u015f ve hi\u00e7bir zaman Frans\u0131zca’ya \u00e7evrilmemi\u015f (!) konu\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131n metni, programatik a\u00e7\u0131dan olduk\u00e7a net: Yeni bir Avrupa Gaullizmi bayra\u011f\u0131 alt\u0131nda, Avrupa’y\u0131 Yalta’n\u0131n boyunduru\u011fundan kurtarmak, ancak bununla birlikte SSCB ile ili\u015fkileri bozmamak istiyordu.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Chicago Papers<\/em>, bu nedenle Amerikal\u0131lar\u0131n \u201chaydut devletler\u201d olarak nitelendirdi\u011fi devletlerle diyalog kurulmas\u0131n\u0131 talep ediyor. Mevcut ba\u011flamda, Washington taraf\u0131ndan bu \u015fekilde nitelendirilen her devletin potansiyel bir m\u00fcttefik veya de\u011ferli bir ticari ortak olarak de\u011ferlendirilmesi gerekti\u011fi sonucuna var\u0131labilir. Bu t\u00fcr devletlere kar\u015f\u0131 herhangi bir sava\u015f, boykot veya yapt\u0131r\u0131m politikas\u0131 reddedilmelidir. BRICS grubu \u00fclkeleri veya Endonezya ve hatta Meksika gibi geli\u015fmekte olan \u00fclkelerin tam egemenliklerini ortaya koymak i\u00e7in bir miktar r\u00fczg\u00e2r arkas\u0131na ald\u0131klar\u0131 mevcut durumda, t\u00fcm Avrupa devletlerinin bu \u00fclkelerle olumlu ili\u015fkiler s\u00fcrd\u00fcrmesi kendi \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131na olacakt\u0131r. Buna kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k, ABD taraf\u0131ndan olumlu olarak lanse edilen her \u015fey otomatik olarak derin bir g\u00fcvensizlik refleksi uyand\u0131rmal\u0131d\u0131r. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla, Bernard-Henri L\u00e9vy’nin t\u00fcm \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131lar\u0131, t\u00fcm Avrupa devletlerini tam tersi politikalar benimsemeye y\u00f6nlendirmelidir. L\u00e9vy’nin \u00f6nerdi\u011fi \u015feyin tam tersi yap\u0131lmal\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bu \u201cb\u00fcy\u00fck siyaset\u201din son dalgas\u0131, 2003 y\u0131l\u0131nda Chirac’\u0131n Fransa’s\u0131, Schr\u00f6der’in Almanya’s\u0131 ve Putin’in Rusya’s\u0131n\u0131n Irak’taki \u0130ngiliz-Amerikan operasyonlar\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 ortak d\u00fc\u015fmanl\u0131\u011f\u0131yla kendini g\u00f6sterdi. Paris-Berlin-Moskova ekseni Mohler’in ho\u015funa gitmi\u015f ve \u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fcn oldu\u011fu y\u0131l bir umut \u0131\u015f\u0131\u011f\u0131 yaratm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Bu eksen, Dugin’in ilham kayna\u011f\u0131 ve De Gaulle’\u00fcn \u201cb\u00fcy\u00fck politikas\u0131\u201dn\u0131n bir ba\u015fka propagandac\u0131s\u0131 olan Jean Parvulesco’nun da ho\u015funa gitmi\u015fti.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Mohler\u2019in miras\u0131 \u2013 ve daha genel olarak muhafazak\u00e2r devrim \u2013 g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczdeki jeopolitik krizler (Ukrayna sava\u015f\u0131, \u00c7in-Amerikan rekabeti, Avrupa\u2019n\u0131n stratejik ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131 tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131) ba\u011flam\u0131nda nas\u0131l yorumlanmal\u0131?<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Mohler\u2019in pratik miras\u0131, az \u00f6nce s\u00f6z\u00fcn\u00fc etti\u011fim Chicago Papers<\/em>\u2019da yat\u0131yor. 1980\u2019de, Criticon<\/em> dergisinde Mohler o zamana kadar unutulmu\u015f iki yazar\u0131 tan\u0131tt\u0131; ayn\u0131 d\u00f6nemde bilimsel alanda da yeniden ke\u015ffedilen bu isimlerin birka\u00e7 ay \u00f6ncesine kadar \u201cmuhafazak\u00e2r\u201d etiketli bir dergide yer almalar\u0131 imk\u00e2ns\u0131zd\u0131: Nasyonal-bol\u015fevik aktivist Ernst Niekisch ve 1946\u2019da intihar eden jeopolitik\u00e7i Karl Haushofer. Ben o s\u0131rada h\u00e2l\u00e2 \u00f6\u011frenciydim, \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131m\u0131n sonuna gelmi\u015ftim ve tamamlamam gereken \u00f6devler masamda y\u0131\u011f\u0131l\u0131 duruyordu; yine de bu metinleri hemen GRECE-Br\u00fcksel<\/em> b\u00fclteni i\u00e7in \u00e7evirdim. Niekisch ve Haushofer, Mohler sayesinde hayat\u0131m boyunca bana yol g\u00f6steren yazarlar oldu. Bug\u00fcn h\u00e2l\u00e2, bu yazarlar bir\u00e7ok \u0130talyan metapolitik ve jeopolitik \u00e7evrede, Rusya\u2019da Dugin\u2019in etkisi alt\u0131nda ya da Xi Jinping\u2019in yeni \u00c7in\u2019inin politikalar\u0131n\u0131n \u015fekillendi\u011fi baz\u0131 merkezlerde temel referanslar olarak kabul ediliyor.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Mohler hayattayken Ukrayna krizi yoktu. \u00d6l\u00fcm\u00fcnden bir y\u0131l sonra, 2004\u2019te, Kiev\u2019de ilk huzursuzluklar \u201cturuncu devrim\u201d ile patlak verdi. Ukrayna, K\u0131r\u0131m ve Donbass\u2019taki olaylar\u0131 anlamak i\u00e7in en ilgin\u00e7 jeopolitik\u00e7i h\u00e2l\u00e2 Richard Henning\u2019dir (1874-1951). Henning, Geopolitik \u2013 Die Lehre vom Staat als Lebewesen<\/em> adl\u0131 \u00e7ok kapsaml\u0131 bir eser kaleme alm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. O, kara ula\u015f\u0131m akslar\u0131n\u0131 inceleyen bir Verkehrgeographie<\/em> (ula\u015f\u0131m co\u011frafyas\u0131) geli\u015ftirmi\u015fti. Bu yakla\u015f\u0131m, \u00c7in\u2019in Bir Ku\u015fak Bir Yol<\/em> projesini s\u00fcrd\u00fcrmek istedi\u011fi, Bombay\u2019dan Balt\u0131k\u2019a Kafkasya \u00fczerinden uzanan INSTC gibi di\u011fer k\u0131tasal projelerin g\u00fcndemde oldu\u011fu ve Anglo-Sakson denizci g\u00fc\u00e7lerinin Gazze harabelerine kadar uzanan \u0130srail k\u0131y\u0131lar\u0131na ba\u011flanacak alternatif koridorlar tasarlad\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir \u00e7a\u011fda son derece \u00f6nemlidir. Zengezur koridoru ya da \u201cTrump koridoru\u201d da Bat\u0131\u2019n\u0131n yak\u0131n tarihli ba\u015fka bir giri\u015fimi olup, her ne kadar farkl\u0131 anlat\u0131lsa da, k\u0131tasal ula\u015ft\u0131rma ve topraklar\u0131n organizasyonu mant\u0131\u011f\u0131na giriyor. Mohler, g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcrde Henning\u2019in \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n\u0131 hi\u00e7 kullanmad\u0131. Henning politikle\u015fmi\u015f biri de\u011fildi, ama Clausewitz\u00e7i bir yurtseverdi (si vis pacem, para bellum<\/em>). Buna ra\u011fmen, Amerikan i\u015fgali alt\u0131nda jeopolitik art\u0131k ho\u015f kar\u015f\u0131lanmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 i\u00e7in Almanya\u2019daki k\u00fcrs\u00fcs\u00fcn\u00fc b\u0131rakmak zorunda kald\u0131 (bu durum h\u00e2l\u00e2 s\u00fcr\u00fcyor). Kariyerine ise Arjantin\u2019de parlak bi\u00e7imde devam etti ve G\u00fcney Amerika\u2019da b\u00fcy\u00fck altyap\u0131 projelerinin ba\u015flat\u0131c\u0131s\u0131 oldu.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00c7in-Amerikan rekabeti Chicago Papers<\/em>\u2019da zaten ele al\u0131nm\u0131\u015ft\u0131; \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc Mao d\u00f6nemi \u00c7in\u2019i, Amerikal\u0131lar\u0131n d\u00fcnyadan izole etmek istedi\u011fi bir \u201chaydut devlet\u201d olarak tan\u0131t\u0131l\u0131yordu. Ama bu, Kissinger diplomasisinin 1972\u2019de Pekin-Washington anla\u015fmazl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 iki taraf lehine \u00e7\u00f6zmesinden \u00f6nceydi. \u00c7in, bir sihirli de\u011fnek dokunmu\u015f gibi, art\u0131k \u201chaydut devlet\u201d de\u011fil, \u201ck\u00f6t\u00fc Ruslara\u201d kar\u015f\u0131 seferber edilebilecek sempatik bir muhatap olmu\u015ftu. Bug\u00fcn ise hem Rusya hem \u00c7in d\u00fc\u015fman ilan edilmi\u015f durumda.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Avrupa\u2019n\u0131n askeri, diplomatik, enerji ve stratejik ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131na dair tart\u0131\u015fmalar g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde yok ya da karanl\u0131k k\u00f6\u015felere itilmi\u015f durumda; bu konular\u0131 tart\u0131\u015fan yazarlar de\u011ferli olsa da tan\u0131nm\u0131yorlar, televizyonlardan ve yay\u0131nc\u0131l\u0131ktan d\u0131\u015flan\u0131yorlar. Oysa 1980\u2019lerde bu tart\u0131\u015fmalar daha g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcrd\u00fc: Gorba\u00e7ov perestroyka<\/em> ve glasnost<\/em> ilan etti\u011finde, ard\u0131ndan da \u201cOrtak Avrupa Evi\u201dnden bahsetti\u011finde. Almanya\u2019da, Amerikal\u0131 f\u00fczelerin konu\u015fland\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 yap\u0131lan b\u00fcy\u00fck g\u00f6steriler s\u0131ras\u0131nda, pek \u00e7ok \u00e7evre yeniden tarafs\u0131zl\u0131ktan (t\u00fcm Orta Avrupa i\u00e7in) ya da Alman-Rus yak\u0131nla\u015fmas\u0131ndan bahsetmeye ba\u015flam\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Yeltsin d\u00f6neminde bu tart\u0131\u015fmalar azald\u0131; fakat NATO, 1999\u2019da S\u0131rp \u015fehirlerini bombalamaya ba\u015flad\u0131\u011f\u0131nda yeniden canland\u0131. O s\u0131rada Almanya\u2019da \u015fa\u015f\u0131rt\u0131c\u0131 bir geli\u015fme oldu: \u0130ktidarda yer alan Ye\u015filler, D\u0131\u015fi\u015fleri Bakan\u0131 Joschka Fischer\u2019in bask\u0131s\u0131yla NATO\u2019dan yana tav\u0131r ald\u0131. Fischer radikal soldan geliyordu; \u00fcstelik bir d\u00f6nem, tam da Amerikan emperyalizmini sert \u015fekilde ele\u015ftiren \u00e7evrelere aitti. Mohler, bu noktada, gen\u00e7lik ideallerini h\u0131zla satan \u015fiddet yanl\u0131s\u0131 folklorik solculardan daha tutarl\u0131 davrand\u0131. Ye\u015fillerin bu \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcs\u00fcz sava\u015f\u00e7\u0131l\u0131\u011fa kaymas\u0131 h\u00e2l\u00e2 hayret verici; sonras\u0131nda ise, \u201cfeminist d\u0131\u015f politika\u201dy\u0131 savunan son Ye\u015fil bakan Annalena Baerbock\u2019un hastal\u0131kl\u0131 rusofobisi, bu hayal k\u0131r\u0131kl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 daha da art\u0131rd\u0131. T\u00fcm bunlar, Mohler\u2019in kariyeri boyunca metapolitik ve politik d\u00fczeyde ortaya koydu\u011fu \u00f6nerilerin tam tersidir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bat\u0131\u2019da bug\u00fcn Amerikan k\u00fclt\u00fcrel hegemonyas\u0131, do\u011fum oranlar\u0131n\u0131n d\u00fc\u015f\u00fc\u015f\u00fc, bo\u015falan kiliseler, toplumsal normlar\u0131 yeniden tan\u0131mlayan \u201cwokizm\u201d g\u00f6zlemleniyor\u2026 Bu tablo kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda ger\u00e7ekten yeni bir ya\u015fam bi\u00e7imi, yeni bir siyasal-k\u00fclt\u00fcrel sentez \u00fcretmek m\u00fcmk\u00fcn m\u00fc sizce? Ve e\u011fer m\u00fcmk\u00fcnse, hangi temeller \u00fczerine in\u015fa edilebilir?<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Mohler\u2019in \u00e7evresinde, esasen Caspar von Schrenck-Notzing, Charakterw\u00e4sche. Die amerikanische Besatzung in Deutschland und ihre Folgen<\/em> (Seewald, Stuttgart, 1965 \u2013 farkl\u0131 yay\u0131nevlerinden bir\u00e7ok bask\u0131s\u0131 yap\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r) adl\u0131 kitab\u0131nda, 1945 sonras\u0131 Almanya \u00fczerindeki Amerikan hegemonyas\u0131n\u0131 \u015fiddetle ele\u015ftirmi\u015ftir. Caspar von Schrenck-Notzing, Amerikan i\u015fgal otoritelerinin istedi\u011fi \u201cyeniden e\u011fitim\u201din Alman ulusal karakterini tamamen k\u0131s\u0131rla\u015ft\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131, Avrupa\u2019n\u0131n merkezinde istikrarl\u0131 ve verimli bir siyasetin do\u011fmas\u0131n\u0131 engelledi\u011fini a\u00e7\u0131kl\u0131yordu. Bu kitap, Alman sava\u015f sonras\u0131 d\u00f6nemini anlamak i\u00e7in art\u0131k bir klasik olmu\u015ftur.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Do\u011fum oranlar\u0131 sorunlar\u0131, \u00f6nemli olmakla birlikte, Mohler taraf\u0131ndan pek ele al\u0131nmam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Katolik ya da Protestan olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 i\u00e7in bo\u015falan kiliselerle ilgilenmemi\u015ftir. Bununla birlikte, bazen kendisine \u201cKathole\u201d demeyi severdi; bu, dini ve teolojik meselelerle veya cemaat hayat\u0131yla ilgilenmeden, Carl Schmitt \u00f6rne\u011finde oldu\u011fu gibi, Katolik \u00e7evrelerin siyasal tutumlar\u0131n\u0131 benimsemek anlam\u0131na gelir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Mohler d\u00f6neminde wokizmden s\u00f6z edilmiyordu. Ancak o da, b\u00fct\u00fcn sa\u011fc\u0131lar gibi, \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn, yozla\u015fman\u0131n \u0131st\u0131rab\u0131na duyarl\u0131yd\u0131; bu yozla\u015fma ona g\u00f6re, ba\u015flang\u0131\u00e7ta modas\u0131 ge\u00e7mi\u015f, daha sonra ABD\u2019de \u00e7\u0131lg\u0131na d\u00f6nm\u00fc\u015f, Avrupa\u2019ya \u00f6nce \u00e7ekingen bi\u00e7imde iki sava\u015f aras\u0131 d\u00f6nemde, sonras\u0131nda Marshall Plan\u0131\u2019yla bilin\u00e7li olarak ta\u015f\u0131nm\u0131\u015f liberalizmin sonucuydu. Liberalizm, Mohler\u2019e g\u00f6re bir \u201cgenel fikir\u201ddir; t\u00fcketimci bir atmosferde siyasal bir uyu\u015fuklu\u011fa yol a\u00e7ar. Bu gev\u015fek liberalizme, daha sald\u0131rgan olan neoliberalizm \u00f6ncesi liberalizme, Sorel\u2019in yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 gibi mite kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k verilmesi gerekiyordu. Yeni mit bir g\u00fcn ortaya \u00e7\u0131karsa, tek kurtar\u0131c\u0131 o olacakt\u0131r: Mohler, Hegel tarz\u0131nda, her \u015feye ak\u0131lc\u0131 cevap sunan, s\u0131k\u0131 s\u0131k\u0131ya in\u015fa edilmi\u015f kavramsal bir sisteme, yani bir \u201centelekt\u00fcel sentez\u201de inanm\u0131yordu. B\u00f6yle yap\u0131lar k\u0131s\u0131rd\u0131r ve halklar\u0131 harekete ge\u00e7irmez.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Harekete ge\u00e7irici mit, eksenel bir d\u00fcrt\u00fc verir, tarihin k\u00fcresini yeni bir y\u00f6ne \u00e7evirir ve yaln\u0131zca o verimli olabilir. Bu mitin her zaman dikkat \u00e7ekici, g\u00fczel ve \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131\u015f\u0131m g\u00fcc\u00fc y\u00fcksek bir g\u00f6rsel deste\u011fi olmal\u0131d\u0131r; Mohler\u2019in b\u00fcy\u00fck ilgiyle bir yaz\u0131 ay\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131 Meksika duvar resimleri gibi ya da \u0130rlanda duvar freskleri, hatta Mao d\u00f6nemi \u00c7in afi\u015fleri gibi.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Benim a\u00e7\u0131mdan, on dokuz ya\u015f\u0131mdan beri Mohler okuru olarak, Avrupa\u2019n\u0131n dertlerine \u00e7are ancak bir klasisizme d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fle m\u00fcmk\u00fcn olacakt\u0131r; fakat bu, yeni ve g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc imgelerle ta\u015f\u0131nan, sanat\u00e7\u0131lar\u0131n zaman\u0131 geldi\u011finde geli\u015ftirecekleri \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fctlere g\u00f6re efsanele\u015ftirilecek bir klasisizm olacakt\u0131r. Bu da, olaylar\u0131n seyrini, res publicae\u2019nin gidi\u015fat\u0131n\u0131 de\u011fi\u015ftirecek g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc ki\u015filiklere yol a\u00e7acakt\u0131r. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc zaman, Mohler\u2019in 1989\u2019da Alman Muhafazak\u00e2r Devrimi<\/em> \u00fczerine tezinin giri\u015finde a\u00e7\u0131klad\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00fczere, ne do\u011frusal, ne de tekrar eden\/d\u00f6ng\u00fcsel, ama k\u00fcresel (k\u00fcresel\/sferik) bir yap\u0131ya sahiptir.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Armin Mohler, Almanya\u2019da Muhafazak\u00e2r Devrim 1918-1932 adl\u0131 kitab\u0131n\u0131 yazd\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, kendisinden sonra uzun s\u00fcre tart\u0131\u015f\u0131lacak \u00f6nemli bir miras b\u0131rakm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Bir d\u00f6nem Ernst J\u00fcnger\u2019in sekreterli\u011fini de yapan Mohler, muhafazak\u00e2r devrimcili\u011fin kilit fig\u00fcrlerinden biri. Mohler\u2019i, Avrupa Yeni Sa\u011f\u0131\u2019n\u0131n \u00f6nde gelen isimlerinden ve Synergies europ\u00e9ennes hareketinin kurucusu Robert Steuckers ile konu\u015ftuk. Armin Mohler ve onun Die Konservative Revolution in… Continue reading →<\/span><\/a><\/span><\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":2640,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_jetpack_memberships_contains_paid_content":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[58,1],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-2627","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-gorus","category-roportajlar"],"yoast_head":"\nRobert Steuckers: Armin Mohler, J\u00fcnger'in de\u011fil, Schmitt'in okuyucusu olarak, muhafazakar devrimin ilkeleri ad\u0131na Gaullisttir - Eren Ye\u015filyurt<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/erenyesilyurt.com\/index.php\/2025\/08\/31\/robert-steuckers-armin-mohler-jungerin-degil-schmittin-okuyucusu-olarak-muhafazakar-devrimin-ilkeleri-adina-gaullisttir\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Robert Steuckers: Armin Mohler, J\u00fcnger'in de\u011fil, Schmitt'in okuyucusu olarak, muhafazakar devrimin ilkeleri ad\u0131na Gaullisttir - Eren Ye\u015filyurt\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"Armin Mohler, Almanya\u2019da Muhafazak\u00e2r Devrim 1918-1932 adl\u0131 kitab\u0131n\u0131 yazd\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, kendisinden sonra uzun s\u00fcre tart\u0131\u015f\u0131lacak \u00f6nemli bir miras b\u0131rakm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Bir d\u00f6nem Ernst J\u00fcnger\u2019in sekreterli\u011fini de yapan Mohler, muhafazak\u00e2r devrimcili\u011fin kilit fig\u00fcrlerinden biri. Mohler\u2019i, Avrupa Yeni Sa\u011f\u0131\u2019n\u0131n \u00f6nde gelen isimlerinden ve Synergies europ\u00e9ennes hareketinin kurucusu Robert Steuckers ile konu\u015ftuk. Armin Mohler ve onun Die Konservative Revolution in... 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