{"id":3069,"date":"2026-07-21T08:01:50","date_gmt":"2026-07-21T05:01:50","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/erenyesilyurt.com\/?p=3069"},"modified":"2026-07-21T08:19:23","modified_gmt":"2026-07-21T05:19:23","slug":"francesco-ingravalle-spannin-toplum-felsefesi-artik-var-olmayan-ve-yeniden-var-edilmesi-gereken-bir-dunyanin-ilkelerini-korumaya-yonelik-bir-ontolojidir","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/erenyesilyurt.com\/index.php\/2026\/07\/21\/francesco-ingravalle-spannin-toplum-felsefesi-artik-var-olmayan-ve-yeniden-var-edilmesi-gereken-bir-dunyanin-ilkelerini-korumaya-yonelik-bir-ontolojidir\/","title":{"rendered":"Francesco Ingravalle: Spann\u2019\u0131n toplum felsefesi, art\u0131k var olmayan ve yeniden var edilmesi gereken bir d\u00fcnyan\u0131n ilkelerini korumaya y\u00f6nelik bir ontolojidir"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

Othmar Spann\u2019\u0131n bireycilik kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 evrenselcilik ve z\u00fcmreler devleti (korporatizm) ekseninde \u015fekillendirdi\u011fi d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce d\u00fcnyas\u0131, \u00fcniversite k\u00fcrs\u00fcs\u00fcnden etraf\u0131nda halkalanan Spannkreis<\/em> ekol\u00fcyle 20. y\u00fczy\u0131l Muhafazak\u00e2r Devrim hareketinin en \u00f6zg\u00fcn ve etkili \u00e7ekirdeklerinden birini olu\u015fturdu. Spann\u2019\u0131n Breve storia delle teorie economiche<\/em> adl\u0131 eserini \u0130talyancaya \u00e7eviren akademisyen Francesco Ingravalle ile bu entelekt\u00fcel miras\u0131n derinliklerine odaklanan kapsaml\u0131 bir s\u00f6yle\u015fi ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirdik.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Othmar Spann\u2019\u0131n felsefesinde merkezi bir yer tutan \u201cEvrenselcilik\u201d (Universalismus) teorisi nedir? Bu teori, onu Muhafazak\u00e2r Devrim hareketi i\u00e7inde di\u011fer d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcrlerden ay\u0131rarak nas\u0131l \u00f6zg\u00fcn bir konuma yerle\u015ftirmi\u015ftir?<\/strong><\/em><\/p>\n\n\n

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Bu soruya, Karl Marx\u2019\u0131n Ekonomi Politi\u011fin Ele\u015ftirisine Katk\u0131\u2019ya Giri\u015f<\/em> (1857) adl\u0131 eserindeki \u015fu tespitten ba\u015flamak yerinde olacakt\u0131r:<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cTarihte geriye do\u011fru gittik\u00e7e, \u00fcretici birey giderek daha az ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcr; daha b\u00fcy\u00fck bir b\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fcn par\u00e7as\u0131d\u0131r: \u00f6nce do\u011fal bi\u00e7imde aile i\u00e7inde ve ailenin geni\u015flemi\u015f h\u00e2li olan kabilede; daha sonra ise kabilelerin \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmas\u0131 ve birle\u015fmesinden do\u011fan \u00e7e\u015fitli topluluk bi\u00e7imlerinde. Ancak XVIII. y\u00fczy\u0131lda, \u2019sivil toplum\u2019da, toplumsal ba\u011flar\u0131n farkl\u0131 bi\u00e7imleri bireye yaln\u0131zca kendi \u00f6zel ama\u00e7lar\u0131 i\u00e7in bir ara\u00e7 ve d\u0131\u015fsal bir zorunluluk olarak g\u00f6r\u00fcnmeye ba\u015flar. \u0130nsan, kelimenin tam anlam\u0131yla bir z\u014don politikondur (politik hayvan); yaln\u0131zca toplumsal bir varl\u0131k de\u011fil, ancak toplum i\u00e7inde yaln\u0131z kalabilen bir varl\u0131kt\u0131r.<\/em>\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Marx\u2019\u0131n bu metni ancak 1903 y\u0131l\u0131nda Karl Kautsky taraf\u0131ndan yay\u0131mlanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Metin, dolayl\u0131 bi\u00e7imde Hegel\u2019in \u00f6zellikle Hukuk Felsefesinin Prensipleri<\/em>\u2019nde geli\u015ftirdi\u011fi modern do\u011fal hukuk ele\u015ftirisine ve Adam M\u00fcller\u2019in Die Elemente der Staatskunst<\/em> (1809) adl\u0131 eserinde Adam Smith\u2019in siyasal iktisad\u0131na y\u00f6neltti\u011fi ele\u015ftiriye g\u00f6nderme yapmaktad\u0131r. Marx, Hegel ve Adam M\u00fcller, her biri farkl\u0131 y\u00f6nlerden, bireycili\u011fi kendi ideolojisi h\u00e2line getirmi\u015f burjuva sanayi toplumu ele\u015ftirisinin y\u00fczleridir; bu \u00e7izginin XX. y\u00fczy\u0131ldaki \u00f6nemli temsilcilerinden biri de, geli\u015ftirdi\u011fi evrenselcilik teorisi<\/em> ile Othmar Spann olmu\u015ftur.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Spann\u2019\u0131n g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015flerinin en a\u00e7\u0131k ifadesi Der wahre Staat<\/em> (Ger\u00e7ek Devlet<\/em>, 1921; d\u00f6rd\u00fcnc\u00fc bask\u0131 1938) adl\u0131 eserinde, \u00f6zellikle II. b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcn 8-12. paragraflar\u0131nda yer al\u0131r. Spann \u015f\u00f6yle yazar: \u201cEvrenselcilik i\u00e7in asli olan \u2014 [\u2026] \u2014 her \u015feyin kendisinden kaynakland\u0131\u011f\u0131 ilk unsurun, asli olgunun, birey de\u011fil b\u00fct\u00fcn, yani toplum olmas\u0131d\u0131r [\u2026]. Buradan iki \u00f6zellik do\u011far: a) b\u00fct\u00fcn, yani toplum, fiili ger\u00e7ekliktir; b) b\u00fct\u00fcn ilk olgudur, birey ise bir bak\u0131ma [\u2026] yaln\u0131zca b\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fcn kurucu bir par\u00e7as\u0131<\/em> olarak vard\u0131r ve bu nedenle ondan t\u00fcremi\u015ftir.\u201d Spann\u2019\u0131n bu s\u00f6zlerini tam olarak kavrayabilmek i\u00e7in yaln\u0131zca Marx\u2019a de\u011fil, Hegel\u2019e ve Adam M\u00fcller\u2019e g\u00f6re de bir ad\u0131m daha geriye gitmek gerekir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Par\u00e7a ile b\u00fct\u00fcn aras\u0131ndaki organik ba\u011f\u0131n (birey-b\u00fct\u00fcn ili\u015fkisinin kuramsal \u00f6nc\u00fcl\u00fc) ilk modern rasyonel kuramla\u015ft\u0131rmas\u0131, Immanuel Kant\u2019\u0131n Yarg\u0131 G\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fcn Ele\u015ftirisi<\/em>\u2019nde (1790), 65. paragrafta bulunur; Prusyal\u0131 filozof burada mekanizma<\/em> ile organizma<\/em> aras\u0131ndaki ayr\u0131m\u0131 \u015f\u00f6yle \u00e7izer: \u201cBir saatte, diye yazar Kant, bir par\u00e7a di\u011ferlerinin hareketine hizmet eden bir ara\u00e7t\u0131r, ama onlar\u0131n \u00fcretiminin etkin nedeni de\u011fildir: bir par\u00e7a di\u011ferleri i\u00e7in vard\u0131r, ama onlar arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla var olmaz. Bu y\u00fczden saatin ve bi\u00e7iminin \u00fcretici nedeni [\u2026] kendi d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda, olas\u0131 bir b\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fcn fikrine g\u00f6re, kendi nedenselli\u011fi yoluyla hareket edebilen bir varl\u0131kta bulunur\u201d; organizmada ise tam tersine, \u201cher par\u00e7a, di\u011ferleri arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla ve di\u011ferleri i\u00e7in, yani bir ara\u00e7 (organ) olarak var olan bir \u015fey diye tasarlan\u0131r [\u2026] di\u011fer par\u00e7alar\u0131 \u00fcreten ve kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131kl\u0131 olarak onlar taraf\u0131ndan \u00fcretilen bir ara\u00e7 olarak.\u201d Organizma, makineden farkl\u0131 olarak yaln\u0131zca hareket ettirici bir g\u00fcce de\u011fil, ayn\u0131 zamanda \u201ckendisinde bulunmayan maddelere iletilebilen, dolay\u0131s\u0131yla onlar\u0131 \u00f6rg\u00fctleyebilen bir bi\u00e7imlendirici g\u00fcce\u201d de sahiptir; yaln\u0131zca hareket yetisiyle a\u00e7\u0131klanamayan, yay\u0131lan bir bi\u00e7imlendirici g\u00fc\u00e7. Organizman\u0131n ere\u011fi i\u00e7sel<\/em>, makinenin ere\u011fi ise d\u0131\u015fsal<\/em>d\u0131r: organizma kavram\u0131n\u0131n do\u011fa felsefesinde ve Friedrich W. J. Schelling\u2019in Transandantal \u0130dealizm Sistemi<\/em>\u2019nde (1800, V. b\u00f6l\u00fcm), ayr\u0131ca Hegel\u2019in Felsefi Bilimler Ansiklopedisi<\/em>\u2019nde (\u00a7 337-338) b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00f6nem kazanmas\u0131n\u0131n nedeni budur. Ama daha da geriye, M\u00d6 IV. y\u00fczy\u0131la, Aristoteles\u2019in do\u011fa felsefesine gitmek gerekir; Stagiral\u0131 filozof, Hayvanlar\u0131n Par\u00e7alar\u0131 \u00dczerine<\/em> adl\u0131 eserinde (\u00f6rne\u011fin I, 5, 645 a 33) organik b\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fcn, organizman\u0131n par\u00e7alar\u0131 \u00fczerindeki erekbilimsel \u00f6nceli\u011fini a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a ortaya koyar. Bu anlay\u0131\u015f, Thomas\u00e7\u0131 yeni-Aristoteles\u00e7ilik arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla da Spann\u2019a kadar ula\u015f\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n

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Spann, toplumu evrenselci (ya da organik\u00e7i) bi\u00e7imde d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnmenin d\u00f6rt \u201cgenel yolu\u201d bulundu\u011funu ileri s\u00fcrer: 1) \u00e7evre \u00f6\u011fretisi ya da \u201cmilieu teorisi\u201d \u2014 Spann bunun ba\u015fl\u0131ca temsilcileri olarak, 1883 tarihli Rassenkampf<\/em> ve 1885 tarihli Grundriss der Soziologie<\/em> adl\u0131 eserleriyle tan\u0131nan Karl Marx ile Ludwig Gumplowicz\u2019i g\u00f6sterir: \u201cb\u00fct\u00fcn, kendini bir bak\u0131ma bireyin i\u00e7inde yans\u0131tan b\u00fct\u00fcn toplumsal olgular\u0131n \u00f6zeti olarak tasarlan\u0131r ve ona ger\u00e7ekte yaln\u0131zca kurgusal, yan\u0131lsamal\u0131 bir varolu\u015f tan\u0131n\u0131r\u201d (\u00a7 9); 2) bireyin toplumsal i\u00e7g\u00fcd\u00fcleri \u00f6\u011fretisi: cinsel i\u00e7g\u00fcd\u00fc, kat\u0131lma ihtiyac\u0131, \u015fefkat, sevinci payla\u015fma ve genel olarak \u201cempati\u201d dedi\u011fimiz \u015fey (Johann Gottfried Herder\u2019in Vom Erkennen und Empfinden<\/em>\u2019inden, Werke<\/em>, VIII, itibaren) \u2014 ne var ki bu i\u00e7g\u00fcd\u00fcler s\u00fcreklilik, sabitlik ve kal\u0131c\u0131l\u0131k ta\u015f\u0131maz, ortak varolu\u015f bi\u00e7imlerine arzulanan istikrar\u0131 sa\u011flayamazlar; 3) toplumun Platoncu idealara g\u00f6re kavranmas\u0131: buradan \u00e7\u0131kan b\u00fct\u00fcnsellik olarak topluluk imgesi evrenselcidir, \u201cama bu b\u00fct\u00fcnl\u00fck i\u00e7inde ve onun arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla tikelli\u011fin, bireyselli\u011fin nas\u0131l olu\u015ftu\u011funu a\u00e7\u0131klayamaz\u201d; 4) kinetik evrenselcilik ya da t\u00fcm\u00fcyle enerjik b\u00fct\u00fcnl\u00fck: buna g\u00f6re b\u00fct\u00fcn \u201casla tamamlanm\u0131\u015f, bitmi\u015f bir \u015fey de\u011fildir, tersine s\u00fcrekli bir ak\u0131\u015f h\u00e2lindedir\u201d; yani yarat\u0131lan ve s\u00fcrekli geli\u015fen bir \u015feydir. B\u00fct\u00fcnl\u00fck her an \u015f\u00f6yle \u00fcretilir: \u201cbireyde var olan b\u00fct\u00fcn tinsel ger\u00e7eklik, ancak uyand\u0131r\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde var olur ve ortaya \u00e7\u0131kar.\u201d \u201cMotor\u201d budur: \u201cbireyin tinselli\u011fi, topluluk ya da \u2018e\u015fle\u015fme\u2019 bi\u00e7iminde var olur\u201d; her tinsel ger\u00e7eklik yaln\u0131zca bir \u201ce\u015fle\u015fme\u201d olarak s\u00fcrer \u2014 bu, s\u0131k\u0131 s\u0131k\u0131ya bir ihtiyaca ba\u011fl\u0131 de\u011fildir, tersine, kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131kl\u0131 yal\u0131t\u0131lm\u0131\u015fl\u0131k i\u00e7inde ya\u015fayamayacak bireyler aras\u0131nda \u201ckar\u015f\u0131l\u0131kl\u0131 bir tinsel ba\u011f\u201d yarat\u0131r; \u201cya\u015fam\u0131 ayakta tutan yaln\u0131zca kat\u0131l\u0131md\u0131r.\u201d B\u00f6ylece birey, \u201cuyanan ve bireyi bi\u00e7imlendiren\u201d birey\u00fcst\u00fc bir \u00f6zden olu\u015fur; birey\u00fcst\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn farkl\u0131 yorumlar\u0131yla tek tek bireyler, sonsuza dek \u201c\u00f6zhareket\u201d (automovimento<\/em>) olarak i\u015fleyen tinin \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcd\u00fcr (Hegel\u2019e uzanan ve bir \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde Aristoteles\u2019in Metafizik<\/em>\u2019inin XII. kitab\u0131ndaki \u201chareket ettirmeyen hareket ettirici\u201dne kadar giden tin imgesine g\u00f6re). Birey toplumsal b\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fcn, toplumsal b\u00fct\u00fcn de bireylerin \u00e7ok bi\u00e7imli aynas\u0131d\u0131r. [Der wahre Staat<\/em>\u2019tan yap\u0131lan b\u00fct\u00fcn al\u0131nt\u0131lar, Gruppo di Ar\u2019\u0131n haz\u0131rlad\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u0130talyanca \u00e7eviriden \u2014 Il vero Stato<\/em>, Edizioni di Ar, Padova, 1983-1987 \u2014 al\u0131nm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.]<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Spann\u2019\u0131n geli\u015ftirdi\u011fi evrenselci Devlet teorisinin \u00f6zg\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc, esas olarak onun, Werner Sombart\u2019\u0131nki gibi sosyolojik, Arthur Moeller van den Bruck\u2019unki gibi siyasal-antropolojik ya da Oswald Spengler\u2019inki gibi (bununla birlikte Spengler\u2019in Kultur<\/em> kuram\u0131nda Aristoteles\u00e7i entelekheia<\/em>\u2019ya a\u00e7\u0131k bir g\u00f6nderme vard\u0131r) tarihsel-siyasal kuramlar\u0131n kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda, felsefi temelli<\/em> bir Devlet kuram\u0131 olmas\u0131nda yatar. Spann, Sombart\u2019la giri\u015fti\u011fi polemikte de g\u00f6r\u00fclece\u011fi \u00fczere, kamu iktidar\u0131n\u0131n ontolojik temellerini, toplumun \u00f6z\u00fcn\u00fc<\/em> ara\u015ft\u0131rmay\u0131 \u00f6nceler; Spann\u2019a g\u00f6re 1918 sonras\u0131 t\u00fcm Avrupa\u2019n\u0131n i\u00e7inde bulundu\u011fu \u201czihniyet, i\u00e7erik ve ideal y\u00f6nelim krizi\u201d gibi evrensel bir krizle ancak ontolojik-metafizik temellere dayanarak ba\u015f edilebilir \u2014 bireycilikten uzakla\u015f\u0131p organik topluluk boyutunu yeniden kazanmay\u0131 zorunlu k\u0131lan bir kriz.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Muhafazak\u00e2r Devrim ba\u011flam\u0131nda krize yakla\u015f\u0131m bi\u00e7imleri, ekonomik, toplumsal ve siyasal krizin felsefi anlam\u0131n\u0131n ara\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131ndan<\/em> \u00e7o\u011funlukla olduk\u00e7a uzakt\u0131r; ne var ki bunlar, ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz olarak, az \u00e7ok dolayl\u0131 bi\u00e7imde felsefi bak\u0131\u015f a\u00e7\u0131lar\u0131na ba\u011fl\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Spann, Frans\u0131z Devrimi\u2019nin getirdi\u011fi de\u011ferlere neden k\u00f6kten kar\u015f\u0131yd\u0131? Bu de\u011ferlere alternatif olarak \u00f6nerdi\u011fi ve toplumu mesleki korporasyonlara (loncalara) g\u00f6re \u00f6rg\u00fctleyen \u201ckorporatizm\u201d (organik Devlet) modeli nas\u0131l bir toplumsal ve siyasal yap\u0131 \u00f6ng\u00f6r\u00fcyordu?<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n

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Francesco Ingravalle<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n<\/div>\n\n\n

\u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc Spann, Gy\u00f6rgy Luk\u00e1cs\u2019\u0131n yazd\u0131\u011f\u0131 gibi, kendi fikirlerini \u201cradikal \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde gerici, ama skolastik-Katolik anlamda gerici olan felsefi-sosyolojik bir sisteme dayanarak\u201d geli\u015ftirmi\u015ftir (G. Luk\u00e1cs, La distruzione della ragione<\/em> [Akl\u0131n Y\u0131k\u0131m\u0131<\/em>], 1954; \u0130talyanca \u00e7eviri: Eraldo Arnaud, Einaudi, Torino, 1959; t\u0131pk\u0131bas\u0131m Mimesis, Sesto San Giovanni, 2011, cilt II, s. 650). Temelde Thomas Aquinas\u2019\u0131n eserinden t\u00fcreyen skolastik felsefe, siyasal toplulu\u011fu canl\u0131 bir organizma olarak tasarlamaya, dolay\u0131s\u0131yla farkl\u0131 ekonomik, toplumsal ve siyasal bile\u015fenleri canl\u0131 bir bedenin farkl\u0131 organlar\u0131n\u0131n benzeri olarak g\u00f6rmeye y\u00f6neltiyordu. Bu benzetmeye dayanarak, Thomas Hobbes\u2019un Leviathan<\/em>\u2019da (1651) ve John Locke\u2019un \u0130kinci \u0130nceleme<\/em>\u2019sinde (1690) ortaya konan ve (Hobbes\u2019un \u015femas\u0131ndan \u00f6nemli sapmalar i\u00e7ermekle birlikte) Jean-Jacques Rousseau\u2019nun Toplum S\u00f6zle\u015fmesi<\/em>\u2019nde (1762) payla\u015f\u0131lan, ortak ya\u015fam\u0131 bireyler aras\u0131ndaki g\u00f6n\u00fcll\u00fc bir anla\u015fman\u0131n sonucu sayan \u201cs\u00f6zle\u015fmeci\u201d model reddedilebilir. Bu bak\u0131\u015f a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131nda s\u00f6zle\u015fmenin sonucu, kamu iktidar\u0131 ya da Devlet\u2019tir (Commonwealth<\/em>, Civitas<\/em>); dolay\u0131s\u0131yla bu, canl\u0131 bir bedenin de\u011fil, bir makinenin benzeridir (Hobbes\u2019un izleyicilerine g\u00f6re mekanik bir saat, Locke\u2019un izleyicilerine g\u00f6re bir terazi; bk. Otto Mayr\u2019\u0131n kapsaml\u0131 incelemesi, La bilancia e l\u2019orologio. Libert\u00e0 e autorit\u00e0 nel pensiero politico dell\u2019Europa moderna<\/em>, Il Mulino, Bologna, 1988).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Fransa\u2019da Emmanuel J. Siey\u00e8s\u2019in siyasal terimlerle geli\u015ftirdi\u011fi burjuva ideolojisi (Qu\u2019est-ce que le Tiers \u00c9tat<\/em>, Ocak 1789\u2019da yay\u0131mland\u0131), soyluluk ve ruhban s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n d\u00fczenlerine kar\u015f\u0131 ekonomik, toplumsal, siyasal bir kar\u015f\u0131tl\u0131\u011f\u0131n ifadesidir: \u00f6nemli olan mesele, soylular\u0131n ve ruhban\u0131n \u201cmuafiyetleri\u201d y\u00fcz\u00fcnden soylu olmayanlar\u0131n \u00fczerine binen vergi y\u00fck\u00fcyd\u00fc \u2014 \u00dc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc S\u0131n\u0131f\u2019\u0131n ulus<\/em> (nation<\/em>) unvan\u0131 \u00fczerindeki hak iddias\u0131 da buna dayan\u0131yordu.<\/p>\n\n\n

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Gy\u00f6rgy Luk\u00e1cs<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n<\/div>\n\n\n

Spann\u2019\u0131n bak\u0131\u015f a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan, 1789 devrimci olay\u0131 muhtemelen bir organ\u0131n bedenin geri kalan\u0131na ba\u015fkald\u0131r\u0131p di\u011fer t\u00fcm organlar\u0131n yerine ge\u00e7meye kalk\u0131\u015fmas\u0131 olarak metaforla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131labilirdi (Titus Livius\u2019un Ab urbe condita<\/em>\u2019s\u0131nda, II, 32\u2019de aktard\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00fcnl\u00fc Menenius Agrippa k\u0131ssas\u0131na g\u00f6re). K\u00e4mpfende Wissenschaft<\/em>\u2019ta (1934) Spann, do\u011fal olarak, \u201cb\u00fct\u00fcnsel ekonomi\u201dnin gereklilikleri kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda \u201ctikel \u00e7\u0131kar\u201d\u0131n me\u015fruiyetini reddeder ve kapitalistleri ekonominin ba\u015flar\u0131, i\u015f\u00e7ileri ise onlar\u0131n sadece \u201cizleyicisi\u201d olarak g\u00f6r\u00fcr; sanayi toplumu ili\u015fkilerine y\u00f6nelik bu organik\u00e7i okuma, end\u00fcstriyel ili\u015fkileri \u201cfeodal\u201d bir anahtarla okuyarak s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesinin me\u015fruiyetini reddetmeyi ama\u00e7lar. Spann\u2019a g\u00f6re toplumsal hiyerar\u015fi, kadim bir gelenekten t\u00fcrese ve deneysel olarak saptanabilir olsa da, \u201c\u00f6nsel olarak verilmi\u015ftir\u201d ve her t\u00fcrl\u00fc \u015fiddetli de\u011fi\u015fime d\u00fc\u015fmand\u0131r. Luk\u00e1cs\u2019\u0131n belirtti\u011fi gibi (La distruzione della ragione<\/em>, cilt II, a.g.e., s. 651), Spann\u2019\u0131n evrenselcili\u011finde ne ulus kuram\u0131na, ne \u0131rk kuram\u0131na, ne de F\u00fchrer mistisizmine yer vard\u0131r. O, ideolojik olarak fa\u015fizmin ve nasyonal sosyalizmin d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda konumlan\u0131r; ama g\u00f6rece\u011fimiz gibi, nesnel olarak mesele daha karma\u015f\u0131kt\u0131r. Spann\u2019\u0131n kuramla\u015ft\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131 ekonomik, toplumsal ve siyasal d\u00fcnya, b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde Ancien r\u00e9gime<\/em> devletlerinin ekonomik, toplumsal ve siyasal d\u00fcnyas\u0131n\u0131n kodlanmas\u0131d\u0131r. Bunun temelleri, Hobbes\u2019un, Locke\u2019un, Rousseau\u2019nun siyaset felsefesince kuramla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lan atomistik e\u015fitli\u011fin yerine organik e\u015fitsizlik, de\u011ferlerin hiyerar\u015fik farkl\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 (Spann, azizin g\u00fcnahk\u00e2rdan daha b\u00fcy\u00fck bir de\u011fere sahip oldu\u011funu yazar) ve toplumun bile\u015fenlerinin b\u00f6l\u00fcnm\u00fc\u015f (yaln\u0131z) bireylerden de\u011fil, yaln\u0131zca topluluklardan olu\u015ftu\u011fu tezidir. Buradan, toplumun kurumlar (corpi<\/em>) h\u00e2linde eklemlenmesi ve toplum bile\u015fenlerinin organik koordinasyonu zorunlulu\u011fu do\u011far: bu tablo, \u0130ngiliz Sanayi Devrimi\u2019nden itibaren, toplumsal eklemlenmelerin yaln\u0131zca \u00fcretim ara\u00e7lar\u0131 sahipleri ile emek g\u00fcc\u00fcnden olu\u015ftu\u011fu tabloya tam olarak z\u0131tt\u0131r. Bununla birlikte Spann (t\u0131pk\u0131 Spengler\u2019in Jahre der Entscheidung<\/em>\u2019de, 1933, yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 gibi), sanayi toplumunu ekonomik \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n kar\u015f\u0131tl\u0131\u011f\u0131ndan farkl\u0131 kategoriler \u0131\u015f\u0131\u011f\u0131nda yorumlamaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131r: ekonominin \u201cba\u015flar\u0131\u201d ile \u201cba\u015flar\u0131n izleyicileri\u201d kategorisi, yani ekonomik ve toplumsal ili\u015fkilere dair e\u011filimsel olarak \u201casker\u00ee\u201d bir bak\u0131\u015f. Bu \u00e7er\u00e7evede, e\u015fitlik, \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck ve karde\u015flik \u2014 Frans\u0131z Devrimi\u2019nin \u00fclk\u00fcsel \u00fc\u00e7l\u00fcs\u00fc \u2014 toplumsal ve siyasal ger\u00e7ekli\u011fe dair bu kapsay\u0131c\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fe kar\u015f\u0131tt\u0131r: Spann\u2019a g\u00f6re siyasal otorite, korporatif karma\u015f\u0131kl\u0131\u011f\u0131 koordine eder ve \u00f6z\u00fcnde omnia potens<\/em>\u2019tir, omnia faciens<\/em> de\u011fil (her \u015feye g\u00fcc\u00fc yeter, ama her \u015feyi bizzat yapmaz). Nitekim \u015f\u00f6yle yazar: \u201cY\u00f6neticileri belirleme ilkesi, evrenselci a\u00e7\u0131dan bak\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, ancak nesnel ger\u00e7eklikten<\/em> \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131labilir ve son tahlilde yaln\u0131zca bir de\u011fer ilkesi oldu\u011fu ortaya \u00e7\u0131kar\u201d (Spann, Il vero Stato<\/em>, a.g.e., II, s. 44). Ekonomik, toplumsal ve siyasal hiyerar\u015fi, Spann\u2019a g\u00f6re \u2014 t\u0131pk\u0131 Edmund Burke\u2019te oldu\u011fu gibi \u2014 zaman i\u00e7inde<\/em>, kademeli olarak olu\u015fur. Ama Spann, kendi d\u00f6neminde, Frans\u0131z Devrimi\u2019nden do\u011fan burjuva bireycili\u011finin a\u015f\u0131lmakta oldu\u011funa da inan\u0131yordu; Marx ile Engels\u2019in bilimsel sosyalizmi, hele de Ekim 1917\u2019deki Rusya\u2019daki Sovyet Devrimi taraf\u0131ndan bayrak ve ideolojik g\u00f6sterge olarak benimsendi\u011fi i\u00e7in, bunun \u00f6nemli bir \u00f6rne\u011fiydi. 1921\u2019de \u015f\u00f6yle yazar (ve bunu Il vero Stato<\/em>\u2019nun 1938 bask\u0131s\u0131nda da yineler): \u201cB\u00fct\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011fe d\u00f6nerek tini bireycili\u011fin zincirlerinden \u00f6zg\u00fcrle\u015ftiriyoruz, b\u00f6ylece ya\u015fam\u0131 da ak\u0131lc\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n ve ekonomizmin ba\u011flar\u0131ndan kurtar\u0131yoruz. Ancak b\u00f6ylece Devlet, ekonomi ve toplum, ya\u015fam\u0131n daha \u00fcst\u00fcn tinsel i\u00e7eriklerini bar\u0131nd\u0131racak bi\u00e7imi alabilir; ancak o zaman madde, tinin egemenli\u011fine boyun e\u011fer\u201d (Il vero Stato<\/em>, a.g.e., cilt II, s. 134).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

1925\u2019te Viyana Sosyoloji Kongresi\u2019nde, Muhafazak\u00e2r Devrim i\u00e7inde kapitalizme ve liberalizme kar\u015f\u0131 ortak bir muhalefeti payla\u015fan Sombart ile Spann aras\u0131ndaki ili\u015fkide neden bir kopu\u015f ya\u015fand\u0131? Spann\u2019\u0131n fikirleri bu kopu\u015fun ard\u0131ndan nas\u0131l de\u011fi\u015fti?<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n

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Werner Sombart<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n<\/div>\n\n\n

\u00c7at\u0131\u015fman\u0131n nedenleri, Werner Sombart\u2019\u0131n ve Othmar Spann\u2019\u0131n ara\u015ft\u0131rma y\u00f6nelimlerinin ve bunlara ba\u011fl\u0131 y\u00f6ntemlerinin birbirine taban tabana z\u0131t olmas\u0131nda aranmal\u0131d\u0131r: ilki antropolojik-g\u00f6rg\u00fcl bir yakla\u015f\u0131ma, ikincisi ise felsefi-toplumsal bir yakla\u015f\u0131ma ba\u011fl\u0131yd\u0131; buna ra\u011fmen ikisi de, farkl\u0131 zamanlarda ve farkl\u0131 temellerde olsa da, St\u00e4ndesstaat<\/em>\u2019\u0131 (\u201cz\u00fcmrelere\/cetlere dayal\u0131 Devlet\u201d) kuramla\u015ft\u0131rmaya varm\u0131\u015flard\u0131r \u2014 Spann 1921\u2019de, Sombart ise 1934\u2019te (Deutscher Sozialismus<\/em>): biri (Spann) y\u00fczy\u0131ll\u0131k bir gelenek ya da g\u00f6rene\u011fin geri kazan\u0131lmas\u0131 temelinde, \u00f6teki (Sombart) 1929 Ekim krizinin a\u011f\u0131r art\u00e7\u0131 sars\u0131nt\u0131lar\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda \u00fcretim \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmesinin k\u00f6kten bir yenili\u011fi temelinde. Sombart, Spann\u2019\u0131n savundu\u011fu normatif ekonomiye k\u00f6kten kar\u015f\u0131yd\u0131, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc bu, yaln\u0131zca metafizik ilkelere dayan\u0131yordu; ayr\u0131ca Othmar Spann\u2019\u0131n toplumu inceleme bi\u00e7iminde temel \u00f6nemde olan \u201c\u00f6z\u201d ile \u201cde\u011fer\u201d \u00f6zde\u015fle\u015ftirmesini reddediyordu. 1925\u2019teki \u00e7at\u0131\u015fma, bir bak\u0131ma, iki bilim insan\u0131n\u0131n bilimsel biyografisinde \u00e7oktan yaz\u0131l\u0131yd\u0131. Sombart, kapitalizmin do\u011fu\u015funu l\u00fcksle, sava\u015f\u0131n \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmesiyle, farkl\u0131 dindarl\u0131k bi\u00e7imleriyle ili\u015fkisi \u00fczerinden \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcmlemi\u015fti; Spann ise modern toplumun geli\u015fimine dair felsefi<\/em> bir g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f in\u015fa etmi\u015f ve Sombart\u2019\u0131n sosyolojisini bireycili\u011fe fazlas\u0131yla ba\u011fl\u0131, kendisinin bir Ancien r\u00e9gime<\/em> ayd\u0131n\u0131 olarak reddetti\u011fi o modernli\u011fin fazlas\u0131yla par\u00e7as\u0131 olarak g\u00f6r\u00fcyordu.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Alman Muhafazak\u00e2r Devrimi, Sombart ile Spann aras\u0131ndaki gibi \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmalarla doludur; bu hareket, Almanya\u2019daki \u201cyenilginin Cumhuriyeti\u201dne \u2014 1914-1918 sava\u015f\u0131n\u0131n bir di\u011fer b\u00fcy\u00fck ma\u011flubu olan Avusturya\u2019da da \u00f6nemli yank\u0131larla \u2014 y\u00f6nelik reddiyle, yaln\u0131zca olumsuz<\/em> bi\u00e7imde birle\u015fmi\u015f karma\u015f\u0131k bir ideolojik b\u00fct\u00fcnd\u00fc. S\u00f6zde \u201cWeimar Cumhuriyeti\u201d, yani \u201cyenilginin Cumhuriyeti\u201dne y\u00f6nelik muhalefetin bak\u0131\u015f a\u00e7\u0131lar\u0131 \u00e7ok \u00e7e\u015fitlidir; \u00f6rnek vermek gerekirse: Spengler\u2019in sava\u015f sonras\u0131 kriz \u00fczerine geli\u015ftirdi\u011fi tan\u0131 ve \u00f6ng\u00f6r\u00fcler, Spann\u2019\u0131n, Alfred Baeumler\u2019in, Alfred Rosenberg\u2019in, Sombart\u2019\u0131n, Moeller van den Bruck\u2019un, Ernst Niekisch\u2019in, Ernst J\u00fcnger\u2019in geli\u015ftirdikleriyle ayn\u0131 de\u011fildir. Weimar Cumhuriyeti\u2019ne y\u00f6nelik entelekt\u00fcel muhalefet \u00e7ok bi\u00e7imlidir; sosyal-\u0131rk\u00e7\u0131 bile\u015fen a\u011f\u0131r bast\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, di\u011fer t\u00fcm bile\u015fenleri ezip ge\u00e7ecektir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

 Muhafazak\u00e2r devrimciler Friedrich Nietzsche\u2019yi neden siyasal ve k\u00fclt\u00fcrel bir \u201cpeygamber\u201d olarak g\u00f6r\u00fcyorlard\u0131 ve onun hangi kavramlar\u0131n\u0131 kendi ideolojilerine uyarlad\u0131lar? Bu ba\u011flamda Othmar Spann\u2019\u0131n Nietzsche\u2019ye y\u00f6nelik metodolojik ve felsefi yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131 neydi?<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n

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Bana kal\u0131rsa nedenler \u201ckatmanl\u0131d\u0131r\u201d. Bir yandan, Alman (ve Avusturya) k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fc, Pozitivizmin yay\u0131lmas\u0131yla in\u015fa edilmi\u015f kesinliklerin \u00e7ok y\u00f6nl\u00fc bir krizini ya\u015f\u0131yordu. Bunlar\u0131n ba\u015f\u0131nda, deneysel bilimlerin kuramsal yap\u0131lar\u0131 ve teknolojik sonu\u00e7lar\u0131yla temsil edilen kesinlik geliyordu: Ernst Mach ve ampiryokritisizmle birlikte, deneysel bilimlerin kategorilerinin ger\u00e7ekli\u011fin do\u011fru temsilleri de\u011fil, yaln\u0131zca deneyimin yararl\u0131 \u00f6zetleri oldu\u011fu d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesi yol al\u0131yordu; estetik d\u00fczlemde, resimdeki fig\u00fcratifli\u011fe ve m\u00fczikteki seslerin \u201cdo\u011fal \u00f6l\u00e7e\u011fi\u201dne kar\u015f\u0131, her t\u00fcrl\u00fc estetik al\u0131\u015fkanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 par\u00e7alayan bir derinli\u011fi ifade etme ihtiyac\u0131, D\u0131\u015favurumculuk, on iki tonculuk ve F\u00fct\u00fcrizmle kendini g\u00f6steriyordu; 1899\u2019dan itibaren, Sigmund Freud\u2019un D\u00fc\u015flerin Yorumu<\/em> ile i\u00e7selli\u011fin bir birlik oldu\u011funa dair geleneksel imge par\u00e7alan\u0131yordu. \u0130\u015fte b\u00fct\u00fcn bu motifler, \u00fcniversite \u00e7evresinin d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda zaten uzun s\u00fcredir dola\u015f\u0131mda olan ve 1901 ile 1906\u2019da toplu bir yap\u0131tlar bask\u0131s\u0131nda derlenen Friedrich Nietzsche\u2019nin kitaplar\u0131nda b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde bir araya gelmi\u015fti. Nietzsche\u2019nin yap\u0131t\u0131nda, XIX. y\u00fczy\u0131lda liberalizme ve demokrasiye y\u00f6neltilen en radikal sald\u0131r\u0131 bi\u00e7imleniyordu; Danimarkal\u0131 edebiyat tarih\u00e7isi Georg Brandes\u2019in onu \u201caristokratik radikalizm\u201d olarak tan\u0131mlamas\u0131 bo\u015funa de\u011fildir. Daha 1907\u2019de, Berlin Humboldt \u00dcniversitesi\u2019nde profes\u00f6r olan Georg Simmel, Schopenhauer und Nietzsche<\/em> monografisini yay\u0131mlam\u0131\u015ft\u0131; ama Muhafazak\u00e2r Devrim alan\u0131nda Nietzsche etkisinin belki de en eksiksiz tan\u0131kl\u0131\u011f\u0131, Alfred Baeumler\u2019in Nietzsche, der Philosoph und Politiker<\/em> (1931) adl\u0131 kitab\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

1918 sonras\u0131na \u00f6zg\u00fc bir d\u00fcnyan\u0131n sonu travmas\u0131 ve s\u0131f\u0131rdan ba\u015flama ihtiyac\u0131, enflasyonun kemirdi\u011fi ve i\u00e7 sava\u015fla sars\u0131lan y\u0131k\u0131k Almanya\u2019da \u00f6zellikle derinden hissediliyordu; Nietzsche\u2019nin ortaya att\u0131\u011f\u0131 nihilizm tan\u0131s\u0131 ve \u00f6ng\u00f6r\u00fcs\u00fc, o d\u00f6nemde \u00f6zellikle yo\u011fun, somut bir anlam kazan\u0131yordu. Tarih\u00e7ilerin \u201cMuhafazak\u00e2r Devrim\u201d ba\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131 alt\u0131nda toplad\u0131\u011f\u0131 ayd\u0131nlar\u0131n hepsi, hem bir d\u00fcnyan\u0131n sonu d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesini hem de s\u0131f\u0131rdan ba\u015flama ihtiyac\u0131n\u0131 besliyordu; bu bak\u0131mdan, B\u00f6yle Buyurdu Zerd\u00fc\u015ft<\/em>\u2019te a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a yer alan Nietzsche ilkesi ge\u00e7erliydi: \u201cDe\u011ferler var de\u011fildir, konulur (var edilir).\u201d Ve Almanya ger\u00e7ekten de sanatta, bilimlerde, siyasette s\u0131f\u0131rdan ba\u015flad\u0131 \u2014 ama iktisat alan\u0131nda de\u011fil (Almanya\u2019n\u0131n ekonomik yeniden yap\u0131lanmas\u0131n\u0131 ba\u015flatmay\u0131 m\u00fcmk\u00fcn k\u0131lan 1924 Dawes Plan\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fclebilir). Ba\u015fka bir deyi\u015fle, \u201cyenilgiden do\u011fan Cumhuriyet\u201din d\u00fc\u015fmanlar\u0131 i\u00e7in, Nietzsche ve onun neredeyse \u00e7oktan \u00f6lm\u00fc\u015f, yaln\u0131zca bitkisel bir hayat s\u00fcren \u015feyi y\u0131kma g\u00fcc\u00fc, ideal muhataplard\u0131; \u00f6zellikle siperlerden gelenler i\u00e7in (yaln\u0131zca bir \u00f6rnek olarak, Nietzsche d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesinin Ernst J\u00fcnger d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesi \u00fczerindeki b\u00fcy\u00fck etkisi d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fclebilir). \u00dc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc Reich, daha sonra, demokratik toplumlar\u0131n egemen ki\u015filiklerin iktidar\u0131 i\u00e7in temel olu\u015fturdu\u011funa dair Nietzscheci felsefeyi uygulamaya koydu (Parti\u2019nin uygulad\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve Carl Schmitt\u2019in kuramla\u015ft\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131 F\u00fchrerprinzip<\/em> d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fclebilir); \u00dc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc Reich\u2019\u0131n ideologlar\u0131 da muhafazak\u00e2r-devrimci bulutsudan geliyordu.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Spann\u2019a gelince, toplum felsefesinin ve Devlet kuram\u0131n\u0131n geli\u015ftirilmesi bak\u0131m\u0131ndan Nietzsche ona t\u00fcm\u00fcyle yabanc\u0131 kal\u0131r. Spann\u2019\u0131n toplum felsefesi, art\u0131k var olmayan ve yeniden var edilmesi gereken bir d\u00fcnyan\u0131n ilkelerini korumaya y\u00f6nelik bir ontolojidir (t\u0131pk\u0131 \u0130talya\u2019da Julius Evola\u2019da oldu\u011fu gibi); Nietzsche\u2019nin felsefesi ise, farkl\u0131 g\u00fc\u00e7 \u201c\u00e7ekirdekleri\u201d aras\u0131ndaki kuvvet ili\u015fkilerinden ba\u015fka s\u0131n\u0131r\u0131 olmayan bir g\u00fc\u00e7 istenci felsefesidir. Herman Rauschning\u2019in Nihilizmin Devrimi<\/em>\u2019nde (1938) iyi \u00e7izilmi\u015f s\u0131n\u0131rlar dahilinde \u2014 \u00dc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc Reich\u2019\u0131n aktif politik nihilizmin radikal bir bi\u00e7imi oldu\u011fu s\u0131n\u0131rlar dahilinde, ki bu noktay\u0131 2015 tarihli, Edizioni di Ar\u2019dan \u00e7\u0131kan Il mito del regresso e il nichilismo politico<\/em> adl\u0131 kitab\u0131mda incelemeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131m \u2014 N.S.D.A.P.\u2019nin (Nationalsozialistische Deutsche Arbeiterpartei) Othmar Spann\u2019a duydu\u011fu d\u00fc\u015fmanl\u0131k iyi anla\u015f\u0131l\u0131r. Aktif politik nihilizme kar\u015f\u0131 siyasetin metafizi\u011fi, denebilir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Nietzsche\u2019nin ‘g\u00fc\u00e7 istenci’ kavram\u0131ndan biraz bahsedebilir misiniz? Muhafazakar devrimciler i\u00e7in onu \u00f6nemli k\u0131lan \u015fey neydi?”<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Tarihsel olarak, san\u0131r\u0131m, bu, Arthur Schopenhauer\u2019in \u0130sten\u00e7 ve Tasar\u0131m Olarak D\u00fcnya<\/em>\u2019da (1819) ele ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir kavram\u0131n yeniden i\u015flenmesidir; Schopenhauer, b\u00fct\u00fcn ger\u00e7ekli\u011fin dinamik temeli sayd\u0131\u011f\u0131 o \u201ckendinde \u015fey\u201din do\u011fas\u0131n\u0131 kavramaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131r; bunu her varl\u0131\u011fa \u00f6zg\u00fc \u201cya\u015fama istenci\u201dnde ya da \u201chayatta kalma \u0131srar\u0131\u201dnda buldu\u011funa inan\u0131r; bu isten\u00e7, sabit \u015femalara g\u00f6re (Platon\u2019un yazd\u0131\u011f\u0131 idealara benzer bi\u00e7imde) nesnelle\u015fir ve her varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n hayatta kalma m\u00fccadelesini besler. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla o, b\u00fct\u00fcn insanl\u0131k tarihi boyunca s\u00fcregelen ve ancak estetik seyir yoluyla, ya da bencilli\u011fi a\u015fan merhamet prati\u011fi yoluyla \u2014 ki bencillik ya\u015fama istencinin ba\u015fl\u0131ca arac\u0131d\u0131r \u2014, ya da (Gautama Buddha\u2019n\u0131n \u00f6\u011fretisine g\u00f6re) ya\u015fama istencini s\u00f6nd\u00fcren \u00e7ilecilik (asketizm) yoluyla kurtulabilece\u011fimiz ac\u0131n\u0131n nedenidir. Nietzsche, Schopenhauer\u2019in yarg\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 tersine \u00e7evirir ve ya\u015famdan vazge\u00e7mek isteyenin ancak dekadan (hatta \u201cyozla\u015fm\u0131\u015f\u201d) olan ki\u015fi oldu\u011funu, buna kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k y\u00fckselen ya\u015fam\u0131 temsil edenin hayatta kalmak i\u00e7in de\u011fil, g\u00fc\u00e7 uygulamak i\u00e7in m\u00fccadele etti\u011fini ileri s\u00fcrer: G\u00fc\u00e7 \u0130stenci<\/em>\u2019nde okundu\u011fu \u00fczere, protoplazma, sahte ayaklar\u0131n\u0131 av aray\u0131\u015f\u0131yla a\u00e7l\u0131ktan de\u011fil, b\u00fcy\u00fcmek, daha g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc olmak i\u00e7in uzat\u0131r. G\u00fc\u00e7 istencine dair bu g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f de, t\u0131pk\u0131 ger\u00e7eklik hakk\u0131ndaki her yarg\u0131 gibi, metafizik bir tercihe dayan\u0131r. Kant\u2019\u0131n g\u00f6sterdi\u011fi gibi, olan<\/em>\u2019dan hi\u00e7bir olmas\u0131 gereken<\/em>, yani hi\u00e7bir ahlak, yani hi\u00e7bir gerek\u00e7elendirici metafizik \u00e7\u0131karsanamaz. Pratik alan, kuramsal temellendirmelerden vazge\u00e7mek zorundad\u0131r, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc oras\u0131, ak\u0131lc\u0131 diyalog arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla (J\u00fcrgen Habermas) bir arada ya\u015fat\u0131lmas\u0131 gereken farkl\u0131 toplumsal \u00e7evrelerin hayati tasar\u0131mlar\u0131n\u0131n kar\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131ya geldi\u011fi zemindir. G\u00fc\u00e7 istenci \u00f6\u011fretisi, kan\u0131mca, toplumsal ve siyasal a\u00e7\u0131dan son derece tehlikelidir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cSiyasetin metafizi\u011fi\u201d ile \u201cetkin politik nihilizm\u201d aras\u0131ndaki ayr\u0131m nedir?<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Gerek \u201cpagan\u201d siyaset metafizi\u011fi (Julius Evola), gerek Katolik-Thomas\u00e7\u0131 siyaset metafizi\u011fi (\u00f6rne\u011fin Othmar Spann), varl\u0131k ile zaman aras\u0131ndaki ili\u015fkiyi ele al\u0131\u015fta temel bir apa\u00e7\u0131kl\u0131k kan\u0131s\u0131ndan yola \u00e7\u0131kar. Zaman i\u00e7inde, zaman-\u00f6tesi bir dinami\u011fin i\u015fledi\u011fi varsay\u0131l\u0131r; bu, Evola i\u00e7in varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n kendini zamansall\u0131\u011fa d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrme \u201ckarar\u0131\u201dyla \u00f6rt\u00fc\u015f\u00fcr (Schelling de zaman\u0131n k\u00f6kenini ilah\u00ee ezeliyetten b\u00f6yle a\u00e7\u0131kl\u0131yordu), Katolikler i\u00e7in ise Tanr\u0131\u2019n\u0131n yery\u00fcz\u00fcne ve sulara bi\u00e7im verme, Adem\u2019i ve Havva\u2019y\u0131 Cennet bah\u00e7esinin dinginli\u011finde yaratma, kendi o\u011flunu Adem ile Havva\u2019n\u0131n ve onlar\u0131n soyundan gelenlerin g\u00fcnahlar\u0131n\u0131 kurtarmak \u00fczere g\u00f6nderme ve b\u00f6ylece insanlar\u0131 yeniden Cennet boyutuna kavu\u015fturma istenciyle \u00f6rt\u00fc\u015f\u00fcr. Hem pagan inan\u00e7, hem de (H\u0131ristiyanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n Aristoteles\u2019in metafizik kategorileri arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla yorumland\u0131\u011f\u0131) Katolik-Thomas\u00e7\u0131 inan\u00e7, temelsizdir ve bilimsel olarak gerek\u00e7elendirilemez, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc dayanaklar\u0131 psikolojiktir. Bunlar d\u00fcnyay\u0131 i\u015flevsel bi\u00e7imleri ve dinamikleriyle a\u00e7\u0131klamay\u0131 de\u011fil, d\u00fcnyan\u0131n neden var oldu\u011funu, neden oldu\u011fu bi\u00e7imde var oldu\u011funu a\u00e7\u0131klamay\u0131 ama\u00e7lar.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Marx\u2019tan ve Nietzsche\u2019den sonra, William James\u2019in s\u00f6z\u00fcn\u00fc etti\u011fi \u201cinanma istenci\u201d olmaks\u0131z\u0131n bu ufuklarda hareket etmek g\u00fc\u00e7t\u00fcr. Marx, insan\u0131n insan i\u00e7in en y\u00fcce varl\u0131k oldu\u011funu ve insanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n tarihsel g\u00f6revinin \u201cherkesten yetene\u011fine g\u00f6re, herkese ihtiyac\u0131na g\u00f6re\u201d ilkesinin ge\u00e7erli olaca\u011f\u0131 bir d\u00fcnya kurmak oldu\u011funu ileri s\u00fcrm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr; Nietzsche ise (\u0130nsanca, Pek \u0130nsanca<\/em>, 1878\u2019de) \u201cbuyuranlar i\u00e7in bir ahlak, itaat edenler i\u00e7in ba\u015fka bir ahlak vard\u0131r\u201d demi\u015f ve ya\u015fam\u0131n mant\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n \u2014 yani g\u00fc\u00e7 istencinin mant\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n \u2014 az\u0131nl\u0131\u011f\u0131 egemen k\u0131l\u0131p \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011fu tahakk\u00fcm alt\u0131na ald\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ileri s\u00fcrm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr. Nietzsche\u2019ye g\u00f6re bunun b\u00f6yle olmas\u0131 ne adil ne de adaletsizdir; \u00f6ylesine b\u00f6yledir, ne ahlaki, ne teolojik, ne de metafizik bir gerek\u00e7e olmaks\u0131z\u0131n. \u201cNi\u00e7in? sorusuna verilecek bir yan\u0131t yoktur\u201d \u2014 nihilizmin form\u00fcl\u00fc budur; nihilizm, N.S.D.A.P. i\u00e7in ger\u00e7ek anlamda tek ideoloji, kitlesel r\u0131za in\u015fa etmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck bir grubun siyasal \u00fcst\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fcn as\u0131l temeliydi; \u0131rk ideolojisi ve Yahudi kar\u015f\u0131tl\u0131\u011f\u0131 ise yaln\u0131zca demagojik ara\u00e7lard\u0131. Defalarca ele\u015ftirilmi\u015f olsa da, esasen Hermann Rauschning\u2019e ait olan bu yorum (Nihilizmin Devrimi<\/em>, 1938), \u00f6zellikle Bormann taraf\u0131ndan not edilen ve \u0130talya\u2019da Edizioni di Ar taraf\u0131ndan d\u00f6rt cilt h\u00e2linde yay\u0131mlanan Hitler\u2019in 1941-1945 aras\u0131 konu\u015fmalar\u0131 okundu\u011funda, en ikna edici yorum olarak g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcr. Politik nihilizm, \u201csiyasetin anti-metafizi\u011fi\u201ddir; siyasal eylem i\u00e7in her t\u00fcrl\u00fc \u201cg\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc\u201d felsefi temel aray\u0131\u015f\u0131ndan vazge\u00e7meye dayanan, siyaseti sadece ve yaln\u0131zca bir g\u00fc\u00e7 ili\u015fkileri ba\u011f\u0131 olarak ortaya koyan bir tutumdur. Materyalizm de\u011fildir, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc Ernst Mach\u2019\u0131n ve Richard Avenarius\u2019un bilim ele\u015ftirisinin g\u00fcn \u0131\u015f\u0131\u011f\u0131na \u00e7\u0131kard\u0131\u011f\u0131 konvansiyonalizmi izler; maneviyat\u00e7\u0131l\u0131k (spirit\u00fcalizm) da de\u011fildir, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc teolojik konularda ve ruh kuram\u0131 konusunda kay\u0131ts\u0131zd\u0131r (siyasal propagandan\u0131n hedef alaca\u011f\u0131 bir kesim olmas\u0131 d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda); bunu \u201ceti\u011fin ve siyasetin s\u0131f\u0131r derecesi\u201d diye adland\u0131rabilece\u011fimiz \u015feyin aynas\u0131 sayabiliriz; kan\u0131mca 1945\u2019te bunun yaln\u0131zca bir y\u00fcz\u00fc y\u0131k\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r; Max Horkheimer ile Theodor Wiesengrund Adorno\u2019nun Ayd\u0131nlanman\u0131n Diyalekti\u011fi<\/em>\u2019nde (1946) ileri s\u00fcrd\u00fckleri gibi, nihilistik s\u00fcre\u00e7, sava\u015f sonras\u0131 teknik-mali ara\u00e7sal akl\u0131n geli\u015fimiyle s\u00fcrmektedir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Asl\u0131nda k\u00fclt\u00fcrlerin \u201cgerileme efsanesi\u201d, \u201ctarihsel ilerleme efsanesi\u201dnin gerilemeci kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131d\u0131r. Bunlar tarihe dair iki metafiziktir; yani bir k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fcn gelece\u011finin nas\u0131l olaca\u011f\u0131na ili\u015fkin \u00f6nermeler b\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fcd\u00fcr. K\u00fclt\u00fcrel ve siyasal tarihe dair gerilemeci g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn \u00f6nc\u00fcs\u00fc, Devlet<\/em>\u2019te \u201cen iyilerin y\u00f6netimi\u201dnin, en \u00f6nemlileri oligar\u015fi ve demokrasi olan bir dizi evre arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla her zaman \u201cen k\u00f6t\u00fclerin y\u00f6netimi\u201dne d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fme e\u011filiminde oldu\u011funu savunan Platon\u2019dur. Platon\u2019un d\u00fcalist g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnde, ezel\u00ee olan idea, zaman ve mek\u00e2n i\u00e7inde ancak eksik bi\u00e7imde ger\u00e7ekle\u015febilir; bu, maddi ger\u00e7ekli\u011fin ideal model \u00fczerinde giderek artan bir \u201ciktidar\u201d uygulamas\u0131yla olur: en iyilerin y\u00f6netimi, \u00f6nce az\u0131nl\u0131\u011f\u0131n y\u00f6netimine, sonra da kitleler taraf\u0131ndan me\u015frula\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lan tek ki\u015finin y\u00f6netimine d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcr. Bu her zaman bir hiyerar\u015fidir, ama Platon\u2019a g\u00f6re \u201cg\u00f6kte olan\u201d adalet modelini gitgide daha az yans\u0131t\u0131r. Ne var ki, ideleri konu\u015fmak, tan\u0131m gere\u011fi duyusal deneyimin ve ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz olarak ona ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131 olan insan d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesinin d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda kalan \u201cnesneler\u201dden s\u00f6z etmek demektir ve bu da bilimsel d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncenin d\u0131\u015f\u0131na \u00e7\u0131kmak anlam\u0131na gelir (Kant\u2019\u0131n yazd\u0131\u011f\u0131 gibi: \u201cDuyular olmaks\u0131z\u0131n anlama yetisi bo\u015ftur, anlama yetisi olmaks\u0131z\u0131n duyular k\u00f6rd\u00fcr\u201d). Benzer bi\u00e7imde, insanl\u0131k tarihinin bir ilerleme oldu\u011fu tezi, tekno-bilimsel ilerleme ile ahlaki ilerleme aras\u0131nda bir ba\u011f bulundu\u011fu varsay\u0131m\u0131na dayan\u0131r \u2014 bu varsay\u0131m olgular taraf\u0131ndan s\u00fcrekli \u00e7\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fcl\u00fcr: insan, bug\u00fcn, iki bin y\u0131l \u00f6nce oldu\u011fundan daha iyi de\u011fildir. Genel olarak, gelece\u011fi (\u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f ya da ilerleme) \u00f6nceden bilme iddias\u0131, Karl Raymund Popper\u2019\u0131n (Tarihselcili\u011fin Sefaleti<\/em>, 1944) g\u00f6sterdi\u011fi ve Aristoteles\u2019in daha \u00f6nce De Interpretatione<\/em>\u2019nin 9. b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcnde ileri s\u00fcrd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc gibi, temelsizdir: gelecek zaman kipiyle kurulan \u00f6nermeler, gelecek \u015fimdiki zamana, sonra da ge\u00e7mi\u015fe d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fene kadar ne do\u011fru ne yanl\u0131\u015f olabilir; yaln\u0131zca karara ba\u011flanamaz durumdad\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cPolitik nihilizm\u201d ile genellikle, insan\u0131 salt do\u011fal bir varl\u0131k olarak g\u00f6ren ve ona Nietzsche\u2019nin \u201cg\u00fc\u00e7 istenci\u201d (volont\u00e0 di potenza<\/em>) ad\u0131n\u0131 verdi\u011fi, insanlar\u0131 ve nesneleri kendi iktidar\u0131na indirgeme e\u011filimini atfeden bir y\u00f6nelim kastedilir. Nietzsche\u2019ye g\u00f6re bu e\u011filim, mikro organizmalar d\u00fcnyas\u0131nda, bitkiler d\u00fcnyas\u0131nda, hayvanlar d\u00fcnyas\u0131nda ve insan d\u00fcnyas\u0131nda i\u015fler. Nietzsche, her biri bir g\u00fc\u00e7 itkisine sahip olan y\u00fckselen ya\u015fam ile \u00e7\u00f6kmekte olan (dekadan) ya\u015fam aras\u0131nda ayr\u0131m yapar; ona g\u00f6re, insan k\u00fclt\u00fcrlerinde g\u00fc\u00e7 k\u00f6t\u00fcl\u00fckle \u00f6zde\u015fle\u015ftirildi\u011fi anda (\u00f6rne\u011fin H\u0131ristiyanl\u0131kta oldu\u011fu gibi) dekadan ya\u015fam geli\u015fir; y\u00fckselen ya\u015fam\u0131n ay\u0131rt edici \u00f6zelli\u011fi ise g\u00fcc\u00fc iyiyle \u00f6zde\u015fle\u015ftiren ahlakt\u0131r. Nietzsche\u2019nin t\u00fcm d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesi bu y\u00f6nde ilerler; o, d\u00fcnyan\u0131n ve olu\u015fun bir anlamdan yoksun oldu\u011funun ke\u015ffedilip buna katlan\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 evre olan edilgen nihilizm<\/em> ile, al\u0131\u015fkanl\u0131klar\u0131n ve de\u011ferlerin y\u0131k\u0131l\u0131p \u201cy\u00fckselen ya\u015fam\u201d ile onun g\u00fc\u00e7 istencine dayanan t\u00fcm\u00fcyle yeni de\u011ferlerin kuruldu\u011fu evre olan etkin nihilizm<\/em> aras\u0131nda ayr\u0131m yapar. Nietzsche\u2019nin, nesnel olarak, g\u00fc\u00e7 istenci ideolojisini kendi \u00f6z\u00fcn\u00fcn \u00e7ekirde\u011fi h\u00e2line getiren \u2014 hem Alman Devleti\u2019nin i\u00e7 yap\u0131lan\u0131\u015f\u0131 hem de uluslararas\u0131 ili\u015fkiler tasavvuru bak\u0131m\u0131ndan (bunun bir \u00f6rne\u011fi Alfred Baeumler\u2019in 1942 tarihli Demokrasi ve Nasyonal Sosyalizm<\/em> adl\u0131 denemesinde g\u00f6r\u00fclebilir) \u2014 nasyonal sosyalist ideolojinin ba\u015fvurdu\u011fu yazarlardan biri olmas\u0131 \u015fa\u015f\u0131rt\u0131c\u0131 de\u011fildir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

 Nazi rejimi Othmar Spann\u2019\u0131n fikirlerini neden tehlikeli buluyordu? Onu nas\u0131l tasfiye ettiler? Spannkreis\u2019\u0131n sonu ne oldu?<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

1920\u2019lerin sonunda Othmar Spann, numaras\u0131z, gizli bir \u00fcyelik kart\u0131yla N.S.D.A.P.\u2019ye kat\u0131lm\u0131\u015f ve \u201cNasyonal Sosyalist \u00d6\u011frenci Birli\u011fi\u201dnin \u00f6nc\u00fclerinden biri olmu\u015ftu; 1919\u2019dan beri Viyana \u00dcniversitesi\u2019nde Siyasal \u0130ktisat ve Toplum Kuram\u0131 ordinary\u00fcs profes\u00f6r\u00fcyd\u00fc. 1928\u2019de, Alfred Rosenberg\u2019in kurdu\u011fu Kampfbund f\u00fcr deutsche Kultur<\/em>\u2019a (\u201cAlman K\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fc \u0130\u00e7in M\u00fccadele Birli\u011fi\u201d) kat\u0131lm\u0131\u015f, Rosenberg\u2019le ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f ayr\u0131l\u0131klar\u0131 y\u00fcz\u00fcnden 1931\u2019de bu \u00f6rg\u00fctten ayr\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131; ama 1933\u2019te, nasyonal sosyalizme y\u00f6nelmi\u015f olan St\u00e4ndische Leben<\/em> dergisinin edit\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc yap\u0131yordu. Spann, Habsburglar\u0131n y\u00fcceltti\u011fi ve 1918\u2019de \u00e7\u00f6ken \u0130mparatorlu\u011fun yeniden dirili\u015fi olarak \u201cB\u00fcy\u00fck Almanya\u201d fikrini besliyordu; nasyonal sosyalistler (\u00f6zellikle Hitler) de benzer bir fikri besliyor, ama bunu 1918\u2019de \u00e7\u00f6ken Alman \u0130mparatorlu\u011fu\u2019nun s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131n\u0131n Avusturya\u2019y\u0131 da kapsayacak bi\u00e7imde geni\u015fletilmesi olarak g\u00f6r\u00fcyorlard\u0131. Spann, nasyonal sosyalistlerle \u201ckorporatif Devlet\u201d fikrini payla\u015f\u0131yordu; ama ona g\u00f6re kamu iktidar\u0131 yaln\u0131zca, do\u011falar\u0131 ve gelenekleri gere\u011fi \u00f6zerk olan mesleki \u00f6rg\u00fctleri koordine etmeliyken, nasyonal sosyalistler i\u00e7in korporasyonlar merkezi Devletin idari uzant\u0131lar\u0131 olmal\u0131yd\u0131. Irk ideolojisi, Spann\u2019\u0131n organik\u00e7i evrenselcili\u011fi i\u00e7in bilimsel a\u00e7\u0131dan \u00f6nemsizken, nasyonal sosyalist ideologlar\u0131n kulland\u0131\u011f\u0131 ba\u015fl\u0131ca propaganda arac\u0131yd\u0131. Mart 1938\u2019de Alman birlikleri Avusturya Cumhuriyeti\u2019ni i\u015fgal etti\u011finde, Spann 13 Mart 1938\u2019de Gestapo (Geheimnisstaatspolizei<\/em>, \u201cGizli Devlet Siyasi Polisi\u201d) taraf\u0131ndan tutukland\u0131 ve Heinrich Himmler\u2019in giri\u015fimiyle 22 Mart 1933\u2019te kurulan, rejimin b\u00fct\u00fcn di\u011fer toplama kamplar\u0131na model te\u015fkil eden ve yerel m\u00fczenin verilerine g\u00f6re 41.500 ki\u015finin \u00f6ld\u00fc\u011f\u00fc Dachau toplama kamp\u0131na kapat\u0131ld\u0131. Spann, 1938 A\u011fustos\u2019una kadar Dachau\u2019da tutuklu kald\u0131. Sonra serbest b\u0131rak\u0131ld\u0131 ve Viyana \u00dcniversitesi\u2019nde ders vermesi yasakland\u0131.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Neden? <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Herhangi bir total iktidar, elbette hi\u00e7bir somut muhalefete izin veremez, ama fikirlerin eyleme d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc\u011f\u00fc inanc\u0131na dayanarak hi\u00e7bir ideolojik muhalefete de izin veremez; nitekim Parti\u2019nin propagandas\u0131, tam da Paul Joseph Goebbels\u2019in ve onunla Propaganda Bakanl\u0131\u011f\u0131\u2019nda i\u015f birli\u011fi yapanlar\u0131n y\u00f6ntemi olarak tan\u0131mlanabilecek olan (Sergej \u00c7akotin\u2019in tan\u0131m\u0131n\u0131 kullan\u0131rsak) \u201cruh m\u00fchendisli\u011fi\u201d ile yol alm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Nasyonal sosyalist Devlet modeli, Parti muhaliflerine kar\u015f\u0131 \u201cs\u0131f\u0131r tolerans\u201d\u0131 i\u00e7eren Gleichschaltung<\/em> (\u201ce\u015fg\u00fcd\u00fcm\/tek tiple\u015ftirme\u201d) \u00fczerine kuruluydu. \u00d6nemli bir d\u00f6n\u00fcm noktas\u0131 da, eyaletlerin (L\u00e4nder<\/em>) \u00f6zerkli\u011finin kald\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131yd\u0131.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Irk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131k, Devlet ideolojisi oldu\u011fundan (Rosenberg taraf\u0131ndan Yirminci Y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n Miti<\/em>\u2019nde, 1930, ve Hitler taraf\u0131ndan Kavgam<\/em>\u2019da, 1924, kodlanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r), evrenselci bir \u00f6\u011fretinin varl\u0131\u011f\u0131 tolere edilemezdi; totaliter model, farkl\u0131l\u0131klar\u0131n koordinasyonu ve hiyerar\u015fikle\u015ftirilmesi olarak var olan organik\u00e7i modelin tam tersine, her t\u00fcrl\u00fc \u00e7e\u015fitlili\u011fi, her t\u00fcrl\u00fc tikelli\u011fi, her t\u00fcrl\u00fc fark\u0131 e\u015fitlemek zorundad\u0131r. \u0130deolojinin doruk noktas\u0131, Spann\u2019\u0131n hem salt siyasal form\u00fclasyonunda hem de Carl Schmitt\u2019in elindeki hukuki bi\u00e7imlendirili\u015finde reddetti\u011fi F\u00fchrerprinzip<\/em>\u2019tir (\u00d6nderlik \u0130lkesi); Spann\u2019a g\u00f6re otorite, kitlelerce tan\u0131nan karizmadan de\u011fil, kamu iktidar\u0131n\u0131n zirvesindekilerin kendi \u00f6rnekleriyle<\/em> uygulad\u0131klar\u0131 bir t\u00fcr \u00e7ekim g\u00fcc\u00fcnden ibarettir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Zaten Spann, 1934\u2019te, Dollfuss\u2019un fa\u015fizan nitelikli Christliche St\u00e4ndesstaat<\/em>\u2019\u0131na da (H\u0131ristiyan Z\u00fcmre Devleti) kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Peki o h\u00e2lde, Parti\u2019ye \u00fcye olmas\u0131, Rosenberg\u2019le i\u015f birli\u011fi yapmas\u0131 nas\u0131l a\u00e7\u0131klan\u0131r? Alman ve Avusturyal\u0131 muhafazak\u00e2r ideologlar\u0131n b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011funa \u00f6zg\u00fc olan, kitle ileti\u015fimi (radyo ve sinema) ve genel oy hakk\u0131 \u00e7a\u011f\u0131nda propagandan\u0131n siyasal ikna g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fc esas itibar\u0131yla k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fcmsemeleriyle a\u00e7\u0131klanabilir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Spann, sanayici Thyssen arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla rejimin siyasi \u00e7izgisini etkilemeye de \u00e7al\u0131\u015fm\u0131\u015f, D\u00fcsseldorf\u2019ta bir z\u00fcmre ara\u015ft\u0131rmalar\u0131 okulu kurmu\u015f, ama bu okul D.A.F. (Deutsche Arbeitsfront<\/em>) lideri Dr. Ley\u2019in emriyle k\u0131sa s\u00fcre i\u00e7inde kapat\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cSpannkreis\u201din (Spann \u00c7evresi) ba\u015fl\u0131ca temsilcileri aras\u0131nda \u015funlar an\u0131lmal\u0131d\u0131r: Graz \u00dcniversitesi\u2019nde \u00f6\u011fretim \u00fcyesi, iktisat\u00e7\u0131 ve sanat tarih\u00e7isi Hans Riehl (1891-1965); Giessen \u00dcniversitesi\u2019nde \u00f6\u011fretim \u00fcyesi, iktisat\u00e7\u0131 Wilhelm Andreae (1888-1962); tarih\u00e7i ve Adam M\u00fcller uzman\u0131 Jakob Baxa (1895-1979); Viyana \u00dcniversitesi\u2019nde \u00f6\u011fretim \u00fcyesi, iktisat\u00e7\u0131 Walter Heinrich (1902-1984). Heinrich, 15 Haziran 1938\u2019de Dachau\u2019ya kapat\u0131ld\u0131 ve 31 A\u011fustos 1938\u2019de serbest b\u0131rak\u0131ld\u0131; Jakob Baxa ise N.S.D.A.P.\u2019ye kat\u0131ld\u0131; Andreae, 1936\u2019dan beri etkin olan, b\u00fct\u00fcn hukuk\u00e7ular\u0131n resmi \u00f6rg\u00fct\u00fc Nationalsozialistischer Rechtswahrerbund\u2019a kat\u0131ld\u0131, ama 1942\u2019de Spann\u2019\u0131n izleyicisi oldu\u011fu i\u00e7in k\u00fcrs\u00fcs\u00fcn\u00fc kaybetti; Riehl 1938\u2019de N.S.D.A.P.\u2019ye kat\u0131ld\u0131. Almanya\u2019n\u0131n Avusturya\u2019y\u0131 i\u015fgali, anla\u015f\u0131l\u0131r bi\u00e7imde, \u201cSpannkreis\u201din sonunu getirdi.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Karma\u015f\u0131k ve \u00e7ok renkli bir ideal tip olarak Alman Muhafazak\u00e2r Devrimi, bir yandan Prusya mitiyle \u2014 ve zaman zaman \u00f6rg\u00fctleyici Devletin Bol\u015fevik mitiyle \u2014, \u00f6te yandan Germen Orta\u00e7a\u011f\u0131\u2019na \u00f6zg\u00fc, evrensel iktidarlar \u00e7er\u00e7evesindeki feodal \u00f6zerklikler mitiyle aras\u0131nda sal\u0131n\u0131r; ama toplumsal \u00f6znelerin \u00e7o\u011fullu\u011funun metropol kitleleri i\u00e7inde kaybolmas\u0131, toprak m\u00fclkiyetinin siyasal a\u011f\u0131rl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n yok olmas\u0131 ve ya\u015fanm\u0131\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131n bireyci bir anahtarla par\u00e7alanmas\u0131, geriye yaln\u0131zca toplumsall\u0131\u011f\u0131n totaliter bir \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmesine yer b\u0131rakm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Devrimciler ve muhafazak\u00e2rlar, 1918 ile 1932 aras\u0131nda ger\u00e7ek bir uzla\u015f\u0131 ya da siyasal bir sentez hi\u00e7bir zaman bulamad\u0131lar. Hem Otto Strasser ile \u201cKara Cephe\u201dnin, hem de Ernst Niekisch ile \u201cWiderstand\u201d (Direni\u015f) dergisinin \u00f6yk\u00fcs\u00fc g\u00f6steriyor ki, \u201cDevrim\u201d bile, N.S.D.A.P.\u2019nin \u201cortodokslar\u0131\u201d kadar ideolojik olarak b\u00fct\u00fcnl\u00fckl\u00fc bir cephe de\u011fildi. \u201cG\u00fcncel olmayan\u0131n\u201d ya da \u201ckendi zaman\u0131na t\u00fcm\u00fcyle ait olmayan\u0131n\u201d \u2014 yaln\u0131zca devrimciye de\u011fil, muhafazak\u00e2ra da \u00f6zg\u00fc \u2014 zor durumu, onu zoraki ittifaklar kurmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmaya zorlar; muhafazak\u00e2r, 1920\u2019lerde, N.S.D.A.P.\u2019nin eylemci geli\u015fiminden b\u00fcy\u00fclenmeden edemezdi, onun y\u00f6netici kadrosunu, \u201cebed\u00ee olan\u0131n\u201d imgesi say\u0131lan bir ge\u00e7mi\u015f ad\u0131na moderniteye ve \u201cWeimar Cumhuriyeti\u2019ne\u201d kar\u015f\u0131 hedeflere do\u011fru b\u00fckme d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fc beslemeden de edemezdi; ama zafer kazanm\u0131\u015f Parti\u2019nin g\u00f6z\u00fcnde, Spann gibi muhafazak\u00e2rlar, nasyonal sosyalist propagandan\u0131n olumsuz kutuplar\u0131ndan birini olu\u015fturuyordu: onlar, Rotfront<\/em> (\u201cK\u0131z\u0131l Cephe\u201d) ile birlikte Gericili\u011fi (Reaksiyon\u2019u) temsil ediyorlard\u0131 (N.S.D.A.P.\u2019nin mar\u015f\u0131, 1929 tarihli Horst-Wessel-Lied<\/em>\u2019in, \u00f6rne\u011fin 5-7. dizeleri d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fclebilir). Nasyonal sosyalistler i\u00e7in, Spann\u2019\u0131n organik\u00e7i evrenselcili\u011fi \u201cGericilik Cephesi\u201dne ait olmaktan ba\u015fka bir \u015fey olamazd\u0131\u2026<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Othmar Spann\u2019\u0131n bireycilik kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 evrenselcilik ve z\u00fcmreler devleti (korporatizm) ekseninde \u015fekillendirdi\u011fi d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce d\u00fcnyas\u0131, \u00fcniversite k\u00fcrs\u00fcs\u00fcnden etraf\u0131nda halkalanan Spannkreis ekol\u00fcyle 20. y\u00fczy\u0131l Muhafazak\u00e2r Devrim hareketinin en \u00f6zg\u00fcn ve etkili \u00e7ekirdeklerinden birini olu\u015fturdu. Spann\u2019\u0131n Breve storia delle teorie economiche adl\u0131 eserini \u0130talyancaya \u00e7eviren akademisyen Francesco Ingravalle ile bu entelekt\u00fcel miras\u0131n derinliklerine odaklanan kapsaml\u0131 bir s\u00f6yle\u015fi ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirdik. Othmar… Continue reading →<\/span><\/a><\/span><\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":3076,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_jetpack_newsletter_access":"","_jetpack_dont_email_post_to_subs":false,"_jetpack_newsletter_tier_id":0,"_jetpack_memberships_contains_paywalled_content":false,"_jetpack_feature_clip_id":0,"_jetpack_memberships_contains_paid_content":false,"footnotes":"","jetpack_post_was_ever_published":false},"categories":[58,1],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-3069","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-gorus","category-roportajlar"],"yoast_head":"\nFrancesco Ingravalle: Spann\u2019\u0131n toplum felsefesi, art\u0131k var olmayan ve yeniden var edilmesi gereken bir d\u00fcnyan\u0131n ilkelerini korumaya y\u00f6nelik bir ontolojidir - Eren Ye\u015filyurt<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/erenyesilyurt.com\/index.php\/2026\/07\/21\/francesco-ingravalle-spannin-toplum-felsefesi-artik-var-olmayan-ve-yeniden-var-edilmesi-gereken-bir-dunyanin-ilkelerini-korumaya-yonelik-bir-ontolojidir\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"tr_TR\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Francesco Ingravalle: Spann\u2019\u0131n toplum felsefesi, art\u0131k var olmayan ve yeniden var edilmesi gereken bir d\u00fcnyan\u0131n ilkelerini korumaya y\u00f6nelik bir ontolojidir - Eren Ye\u015filyurt\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"Othmar Spann\u2019\u0131n bireycilik kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 evrenselcilik ve z\u00fcmreler devleti (korporatizm) ekseninde \u015fekillendirdi\u011fi d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce d\u00fcnyas\u0131, \u00fcniversite k\u00fcrs\u00fcs\u00fcnden etraf\u0131nda halkalanan Spannkreis ekol\u00fcyle 20. y\u00fczy\u0131l Muhafazak\u00e2r Devrim hareketinin en \u00f6zg\u00fcn ve etkili \u00e7ekirdeklerinden birini olu\u015fturdu. Spann\u2019\u0131n Breve storia delle teorie economiche adl\u0131 eserini \u0130talyancaya \u00e7eviren akademisyen Francesco Ingravalle ile bu entelekt\u00fcel miras\u0131n derinliklerine odaklanan kapsaml\u0131 bir s\u00f6yle\u015fi ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirdik. Othmar... 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