{"id":3104,"date":"2026-08-01T11:49:20","date_gmt":"2026-08-01T08:49:20","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/erenyesilyurt.com\/?p=3104"},"modified":"2026-08-01T11:50:33","modified_gmt":"2026-08-01T08:50:33","slug":"gregory-vandamme-ibnul-arabi-icin-manevi-olan-ile-siyasi-olan-arasinda-ontolojik-bir-ayrim-yoktur","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/erenyesilyurt.com\/index.php\/2026\/08\/01\/gregory-vandamme-ibnul-arabi-icin-manevi-olan-ile-siyasi-olan-arasinda-ontolojik-bir-ayrim-yoktur\/","title":{"rendered":"Gregory Vandamme: \u0130bn\u00fc’l-Arab\u00ee i\u00e7in manevi olan ile siyasi olan aras\u0131nda ontolojik bir ayr\u0131m yoktur"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

\u0130bn\u00fc’l-Arab\u00ee’nin miras\u0131, Osmanl\u0131’dan Ivan Agu\u00e9li ve Ren\u00e9 Gu\u00e9non gibi modern fig\u00fcrlere uzanan geni\u015f bir yelpazede, siyasi me\u015fruiyetten radikal \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck aray\u0131\u015f\u0131na kadar farkl\u0131 bi\u00e7imlerde yeniden yorumlanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Gregory Vandamme ile \u0130bn\u00fc’l-Arab\u00ee d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesinin ontolojik yap\u0131s\u0131n\u0131, f\u00fct\u00fcvvet gelene\u011finin modern bireye sunabilece\u011fi alternatifleri ve Agu\u00e9li’nin \u00f6zg\u00fcn \u015feriat-\u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131 konu\u015ftuk.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Yavuz Sultan Selim’in Muhyiddin \u0130bn\u00fc’l-Arab\u00ee’nin mezar\u0131n\u0131 ortaya \u00e7\u0131karmas\u0131 ve bir t\u00fcrbe in\u015fa etmesi gibi tarihi bir d\u00f6n\u00fcm noktas\u0131, \u015eeyh-i Ekber’in d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesinin yaln\u0131zca mistik bir yol olarak de\u011fil, klasik bir imparatorluk i\u00e7in siyasi me\u015fruiyet kayna\u011f\u0131 olarak da kullan\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6stermektedir. Y\u00fczy\u0131llar sonra, ayn\u0131 Ekber\u00ee miras\u0131n \u0130van Agu\u00e9li ve Ren\u00e9 Gu\u00e9non gibi modern fig\u00fcrler arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla yeniden ortaya \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fcyoruz. \u0130bn\u00fc’l-Arab\u00ee’nin d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesinde, hem klasik imparatorluk d\u00fcnya g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fcne ilham verebilen hem de radikal anti-modern entelekt\u00fcel hareketleri besleyebilen temel ontolojik yap\u0131 nedir? Bu felsefe, farkl\u0131 \u00e7a\u011flar boyunca yeniden in\u015fa edilebilecek denli g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc ve tekrar eden bir referans noktas\u0131 olmay\u0131 neden s\u00fcrd\u00fcrmektedir?<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n

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Muhyiddin \u0130bn\u00fc’l-Arab\u00ee T\u00fcrbesi

<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n<\/div>\n\n\n

Bu soru do\u011frudan \u0130slam’daki “teolojik-politik” meselenin \u00f6z\u00fcne i\u015faret etmektedir. Bana g\u00f6re bu mesele yaln\u0131zca \u0130bn\u00fc’l-Arab\u00ee’nin d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesiyle s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 de\u011fildir; b\u00fct\u00fcn olarak tasavvufu ve nihayetinde \u0130slam dininin kendisini ilgilendirmektedir. Soru \u015f\u00f6yle form\u00fcle edilebilir: \u0130slam’\u0131n, tasavvufun ve \u0130bn\u00fc’l-Arab\u00ee’nin tasavvur etti\u011fi \u0130slam’\u0131n insani tecr\u00fcbesi, Agamben’in ifadesiyle s\u00f6ylersek hangi “ya\u015fam bi\u00e7imine” ya da Hadot’nun anlam\u0131yla hangi “ya\u015fam tarz\u0131na” yol a\u00e7mal\u0131d\u0131r? Ruhun hayat\u0131 ile toplumun \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmesi aras\u0131nda, insan varolu\u015funun \u00e7e\u015fitli boyutlar\u0131 nas\u0131l d\u00fczenlenmeli, s\u0131ralanmal\u0131 ve birbirine eklemlenmelidir?<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bu, nihayetinde \u015feriat\u0131n amac\u0131na dair b\u00fct\u00fcn bir meseledir: \u015feriat, insan topluluklar\u0131 i\u00e7in bir ya\u015fam kural\u0131 m\u0131d\u0131r, ki\u015fisel etik ve z\u00fchd\u00ee disipline dayal\u0131 bireysel ger\u00e7ekle\u015fme yolu mudur, yoksa her ikisi birden midir?<\/p>\n\n\n\n

M\u00fcsl\u00fcman topluluklar\u0131n b\u00fct\u00fcn tarihi, bu soruya verilebilecek \u00e7e\u015fitli olas\u0131 cevaplar\u0131n a\u00e7\u0131l\u0131m\u0131 olarak okunabilir. Bu tarih boyunca, \u00f6zellikle tasavvuf, birey ile topluluk aras\u0131nda bir aray\u00fcz i\u015flevi g\u00f6rm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr. En erken d\u00f6nemden itibaren Sufi \u015feyhleri, bir yandan dini hayat\u0131 bireyin i\u00e7sel manevi tecr\u00fcbesi etraf\u0131nda merkezile\u015ftirmeye, \u00f6te yandan da b\u00fct\u00fcn \u0130slami rit\u00fcel ve normlar\u0131 bu tecr\u00fcbeyi geli\u015ftirmenin ve derinle\u015ftirmenin ara\u00e7lar\u0131 olarak anlamland\u0131rmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015fm\u0131\u015flard\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dar anlamda siyasi soruya d\u00f6necek olursak, \u0130slam’\u0131n ve \u00f6zellikle tasavvufun i\u00e7inde erken bir d\u00f6nemde iki e\u011filim belirginle\u015fmi\u015f ve bi\u00e7imlenmi\u015ftir. Bir yanda, otantik bir manevi hayat\u0131n gerekli ko\u015fullar\u0131n\u0131 koruman\u0131n ara\u00e7lar\u0131 olarak yerle\u015fik otoriteyi, siyasi ve kurumsal istikrar\u0131 ve mevcut normlara uyumu me\u015frula\u015ft\u0131ranlar vard\u0131. \u00d6te yanda ise, \u0130slam’\u0131n manevi taleplerine lay\u0131k g\u00f6rmedikleri iktidar bi\u00e7imlerine, kurumlara ve normatif sistemlere kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kanlar bulunuyordu.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u0130bn\u00fc’l-Arab\u00ee’nin d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesindeki farkl\u0131l\u0131k, belki de bu iki e\u011filimden hi\u00e7birine tamamen boyun e\u011fmeyi reddetmesidir. Bunun yerine, \u0130slam’\u0131n manevi canl\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 m\u00fcmk\u00fcn oldu\u011funca korumak i\u00e7in aradaki gerilimi s\u00fcrd\u00fcrmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131r. Ba\u015fka bir deyi\u015fle, \u0130bn\u00fc’l-Arab\u00ee i\u00e7in \u015feriat hem bireyi -vicdan\u0131n\u0131n en mahrem noktas\u0131nda- hem de her bireyin kendi \u00f6zel e\u011filim ve mizac\u0131na g\u00f6re manevi yolculu\u011fu i\u00e7in uygun ko\u015fullar\u0131 g\u00fcvence alt\u0131na almaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan toplulu\u011fu ilgilendirir. Bu bak\u0131mdan \u0130bn\u00fc’l-Arab\u00ee, tasavvuf gelene\u011findeki selefleriyle a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a bir s\u00fcreklilik i\u00e7indedir, ancak bu yakla\u015f\u0131ma m\u00fcmk\u00fcn olan en geni\u015f kapsam\u0131 ve geni\u015fli\u011fi kazand\u0131r\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u0130bn\u00fc’l-Arab\u00ee i\u00e7in manevi olan ile siyasi olan aras\u0131nda ontolojik bir ayr\u0131m yoktur, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc onun ontolojisi benim “ili\u015fkisel” olarak adland\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131m t\u00fcrdendir[1]: varl\u0131\u011f\u0131, varl\u0131\u011fa dokunmu\u015f ili\u015fkiler<\/em> olarak kavrar. Her ger\u00e7eklik, ancak ba\u015fka bir ger\u00e7eklikle olan ili\u015fkisi sayesinde kendisi olur. D\u00fcnyay\u0131 olu\u015fturan ger\u00e7eklikler, s\u0131n\u0131rs\u0131z say\u0131da ili\u015fkinin kesi\u015fti\u011fi d\u00fc\u011f\u00fcm noktalar\u0131d\u0131r; bunlar bir araya geldi\u011finde ger\u00e7ekli\u011fin dokusunu \u00f6rerler. Onun yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131 b\u00f6ylece bizi, ger\u00e7ekli\u011fin kendine \u00f6zg\u00fc karma\u015f\u0131kl\u0131\u011f\u0131na, paradoksuna ve gerilimine daha derinden n\u00fcfuz etmeye davet eder. Ancak bu perspektivizm bi\u00e7imi yatay bir g\u00f6recelilikle sonu\u00e7lanmaz, zira ili\u015fkiler a\u011f\u0131 belirli bir metafizik ve kozmolojik d\u00fczen ya da hiyerar\u015fiye g\u00f6re a\u00e7\u0131l\u0131r. Bu d\u00fczen, insan\u0131n kendisinin d\u00fczenidir: d\u00fcnyadaki b\u00fct\u00fcn ili\u015fkilerin kesi\u015fti\u011fi en y\u00fcksek ili\u015fki olan K\u00e2mil \u0130nsan’\u0131n (el-ins\u00e2n\u00fc’l-k\u00e2mil<\/em>) metafizik ger\u00e7ekli\u011finden, kozmolojik dokunun en u\u00e7 noktas\u0131nda yer alan, yery\u00fcz\u00fcndeki “halife” olarak insan\u0131n somut varl\u0131\u011f\u0131na kadar uzan\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla b\u00f6yle bir d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce yap\u0131s\u0131n\u0131n hem totaliter bir siyasi d\u00fczenin metafizik gerek\u00e7elendirilmesini form\u00fcle etmek i\u00e7in hem de -tam tersine- her siyasi d\u00fczene, hatta a fortiori her teolojik-politik d\u00fczene kar\u015f\u0131 radikal bir ele\u015ftiri geli\u015ftirmek i\u00e7in kullan\u0131labilmesi, insan ger\u00e7ekli\u011finin metafizik do\u011fas\u0131na dair ayn\u0131 anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131n ad\u0131na yap\u0131l\u0131yor olmas\u0131 \u015fa\u015f\u0131rt\u0131c\u0131 de\u011fildir. Agu\u00e9li’de ve farkl\u0131 \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde Gu\u00e9non’da beni \u00f6zellikle ilgilendiren \u015fey, her ikisinin de kendi tarz\u0131nca bu metafizik antropolojiyi ve onun dini normatiflikle olan ili\u015fkisini, kendi \u00e7a\u011flar\u0131n\u0131n meydan okumalar\u0131na yan\u0131t olarak yeniden form\u00fcle etmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015fm\u0131\u015f olmalar\u0131d\u0131r. Bunu, ge\u00e7mi\u015f bi\u00e7imlerin k\u0131s\u0131r muhafazak\u00e2rl\u0131\u011f\u0131na da, belli bir modernli\u011fe \u00f6zg\u00fc zorlay\u0131c\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131-konformizme de teslim olmayan yeni bir dille yapm\u0131\u015flard\u0131r. Kan\u0131mca onlar\u0131 \u0130bn\u00fc’l-Arab\u00ee’nin entelekt\u00fcel ve manevi giri\u015fiminin i\u00e7ine yerle\u015ftiren \u015fey tam olarak budur.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ernst J\u00fcnger’in “Anark” ve “Waldg\u00e4nger\u201d kavramlar\u0131, modern devletin ve kitle toplumunun toptanc\u0131 g\u00f6zetimine kar\u015f\u0131 i\u00e7sel \u00f6zerkli\u011fi koruma y\u00f6n\u00fcnde varolu\u015fsal bir aray\u0131\u015f\u0131 somutla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131r. Bu duru\u015f, Mel\u00e2met tasavvufi doktrini ve Halvet der-Enc\u00fcmen ilkesiyle bir yap\u0131sal benzerlik ta\u015f\u0131r. Salt kavramsal benzerliklerin \u00f6tesinde, her ikisi de insan\u0131n hakiki varolu\u015funu koruma y\u00f6n\u00fcnde temel bir kayg\u0131y\u0131 payla\u015f\u0131r. Tasavvuf ve \u00f6zellikle f\u00fct\u00fcvvet gelene\u011fi, teknoloji, b\u00fcrokrasi ve hiper-g\u00f6zetim sarmal\u0131na yakalanm\u0131\u015f varolu\u015fsal bir krizle y\u00fczle\u015fen modern bireye nas\u0131l uygulanabilir bir alternatif sunabilir?<\/strong><\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ger\u00e7ekten de, gitgide k\u0131s\u0131tlay\u0131c\u0131 ve standartla\u015fm\u0131\u015f hale gelen ya\u015fam bi\u00e7imlerinden i\u00e7sel kurtulu\u015f arayan modern e\u011filimler ile tasavvufi maneviyat\u0131n kalbinde yatan belirli ilkeler aras\u0131nda bir ba\u011f kurulabilir. F\u00fct\u00fcvvet kavram\u0131 ba\u015flang\u0131\u00e7ta, devletten ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z somut dayan\u0131\u015fma bi\u00e7imlerine i\u015faret ediyordu: \u00fcyeleri, yerle\u015fik toplumsal yap\u0131lardan tamamen ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z kalarak yerel halklara hizmet etmeyi ama\u00e7layan zorlu bir etik kod ve radikal erdemleri benimseyen silahl\u0131 gruplar. Bu siyasi-manevi milis bi\u00e7imleri zamanla da\u011f\u0131t\u0131ld\u0131 ya da devletler taraf\u0131ndan \u00f6z\u00fcmsendi. Ancak onlar\u0131 y\u00f6neten ilkeler tamamen tasavvufa dahil edildi ve \u00f6zellikle yirminci y\u00fczy\u0131la kadar bir\u00e7ok \u00fclkede varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcren zanaat loncalar\u0131n\u0131n inisiyatik ve sembolik boyutlar\u0131n\u0131n geli\u015fimine katk\u0131da bulundu.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

F\u00fct\u00fcvvetin ortaya koydu\u011fu \u015fey tam olarak “efendilik” (lordship\/rububiyet) meselesi ve onun \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fckle ili\u015fkisidir. Kur’an’daki ezel bezmi anlat\u0131s\u0131na g\u00f6re (7:172), b\u00fct\u00fcn insan ruhlar\u0131 toplu olarak Bir Allah’\u0131 “Rab” olarak tan\u0131m\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla hi\u00e7 kimse -ne birey ne de gayri resmi bir toplum ya da resmi bir devlet olarak \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmi\u015f herhangi bir kolektivite- bir ba\u015fkas\u0131 \u00fczerinde en ufak bir efendilik iddias\u0131nda bulunamaz. Ba\u015fka bir deyi\u015fle, ilahi rububiyeti toplu olarak kabul ederek insanl\u0131k, kendi \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fcn ilkesini de kabul etmi\u015f olur. Bu, insanlar\u0131n bireysel ya da toplu olarak, Kur’an’\u0131n “emir sahipleri” (\u00fbl\u00fc’l-emr<\/em>, 4:59) dedi\u011fi kimselere belli bir \u00f6ncelik tan\u0131mas\u0131na ve bunu onlara bah\u015fetmesine engel de\u011fildir. Ancak b\u00f6yle bir otorite ancak bireyin onu tam olarak tan\u0131mas\u0131na dayanarak kurulabilir; bu, efendice bir oldu-bitti olarak dayat\u0131lamaz.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u0130lahi rububiyetin g\u00fcvence alt\u0131na ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 radikal insan \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc \u00fczerine kurulmam\u0131\u015f herhangi bir toplum, bu bak\u0131mdan bir d\u00fczeyde \u0130slam’a ihanet te\u015fkil eder.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Sufi \u015feyhleri, bu de\u011fi\u015fmez ilkeyi -\u0130slami perspektiften insanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n \u00fczerine kurulu oldu\u011fu ilkeyi- g\u00f6z ard\u0131 eden devlet hegemonyas\u0131na ve ya\u015fam bi\u00e7imlerinin dayat\u0131lmas\u0131na i\u00e7sel olarak direnmenin bir yolunu f\u00fct\u00fcvvet ilkelerinde bulmu\u015flard\u0131r. Genellikle en ac\u0131mas\u0131z bask\u0131yla sonu\u00e7lanan bir giri\u015fim olan toplumsal hayat\u0131n \u00e7er\u00e7evesini alt \u00fcst etmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmak yerine, bu \u00e7er\u00e7eveden i\u00e7sel bir kurtulu\u015fu geli\u015ftirmi\u015fler, b\u00f6ylece tam anlam\u0131yla “\u00f6zg\u00fcr” bir insanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n imk\u00e2n\u0131n\u0131 korumu\u015flard\u0131r. Tasavvufun siyasi projesi neredeyse \u015f\u00f6yle \u00f6zetlenebilir: ortakla\u015fa s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fcld\u00fc\u011f\u00fcnde d\u0131\u015fsal \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn ko\u015fullar\u0131n\u0131 yeniden yaratabilecek i\u00e7sel bir \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc geli\u015ftirmek.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u0130van Agu\u00e9li, ressam, anar\u015fist ve Sufi olarak birbiriyle \u00e7eli\u015fir g\u00f6r\u00fcnen alanlarda dola\u015fan, Bat\u0131 modernitesinin i\u00e7inden \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015f e\u015fsiz derecede \u00e7arp\u0131c\u0131 bir fig\u00fcrd\u00fcr. Agu\u00e9li, Bat\u0131’da yaln\u0131zca marjinal ve eklektik bir istisna m\u0131 kal\u0131r, yoksa \u0130slam d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesi i\u00e7inde otantik ve sofistike bir d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcr olarak yeniden de\u011ferlendirilmeyi hak eder mi? \u00d6ne \u00e7\u0131kard\u0131\u011f\u0131 son derece \u00f6zg\u00fcn kavramlar\u0131 biraz a\u00e7ar m\u0131s\u0131n\u0131z?<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n

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\u0130van Agu\u00e9li<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n<\/div>\n\n\n

Agu\u00e9li, \u0130slam d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesini modern Bat\u0131l\u0131 ba\u011flam\u0131na tam olarak k\u00f6k salm\u0131\u015f bi\u00e7imde \u00fcretmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan en \u00f6zg\u00fcn yazarlardan biri oldu\u011fu tart\u0131\u015f\u0131lmazd\u0131r. E\u011fer Agu\u00e9li’nin d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesini -ve onu kendisinin sundu\u011fu bi\u00e7imi- ciddiye al\u0131rsak, onu fazla kolayl\u0131kla eksantrik ve romantik bir modern Bat\u0131l\u0131 olarak bir kenara atmak yerine, \u0130slam gelene\u011finin ve \u00f6zellikle tasavvufun s\u00fcreklili\u011fi i\u00e7ine yerle\u015ftirmek gerekir. Agu\u00e9li kendisini “Allah’\u0131n veli dostlar\u0131n\u0131n hizmetk\u00e2r\u0131” (h\u00e2dim\u00fc’l-evliy\u00e2<\/em>) olarak tan\u0131mlam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bu nedenle onun eserine, \u0130slam ve tasavvuf ger\u00e7ekli\u011fini modern bir dile -hem sosyo-politik kayg\u0131lar\u0131 hem de estetik aray\u0131\u015flar\u0131yla Bat\u0131 modernitesinin ba\u011flam\u0131n\u0131 tam olarak kucaklayan bir dile- aktarmaya y\u00f6nelik samimi bir \u00e7aba olarak yakla\u015fmak \u00f6nemli g\u00f6r\u00fcnmektedir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bu bak\u0131mdan Agu\u00e9li, ikili bir radikallik sergiler: hem radikal bi\u00e7imde M\u00fcsl\u00fcman’d\u0131r, kendisinden \u00f6nce gelen ve i\u00e7inde s\u00fcreklilik kurdu\u011fu gelene\u011fe radikal bi\u00e7imde sad\u0131kt\u0131r, hem de radikal bi\u00e7imde modern’dir, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc kendi as\u0131l ba\u011flam\u0131 olan yirminci y\u00fczy\u0131l ba\u015f\u0131 Avrupas\u0131’ndan hi\u00e7bir \u015feyi reddetmez. Agu\u00e9li’nin \u00fcslubu bu nedenle \u015fa\u015f\u0131rt\u0131c\u0131d\u0131r; teolojik de\u011ferlendirmelerden modern resim \u00fczerine d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncelere, doktriner a\u00e7\u0131klamalardan Bat\u0131 toplumlar\u0131n\u0131n gelece\u011fine dair siyasi d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncelere serbest\u00e7e ge\u00e7er. Ancak, yak\u0131n zamanda yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131m bir \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmada g\u00f6stermeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131m gibi[2], bu g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcrdeki eklektisizmin perdesinin ard\u0131nda ola\u011fan\u00fcst\u00fc tutarl\u0131 bir d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce yap\u0131s\u0131 yatmaktad\u0131r -\u00e7o\u011funlukla \u0130bn\u00fc’l-Arab\u00ee’nin eserinden do\u011frudan al\u0131nan ilkeleri \u00f6zg\u00fcn ama son derece kesin bir bi\u00e7imde ifade eden bir yap\u0131.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Onun geleneksel \u0130slam d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesinden al\u0131nan ilkeleri kavramsalla\u015ft\u0131rma ve yeni bir dile \u00e7evirme yetene\u011finin en \u00e7arp\u0131c\u0131 \u00f6rneklerinden biri, \u015feriat anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131d\u0131r. Agu\u00e9li’ye g\u00f6re, \u015feriat\u0131n temel ilkesi onun “efendice \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck” -ya da orijinal Frans\u0131zcas\u0131nda daha kesin bi\u00e7imiyle libert\u00e9 dominicale<\/em>– dedi\u011fi \u015feyi, yani insanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n ilahi rububiyeti ezel\u00ee olarak kabul etmesinin bir sonucu olan insan\u0131n radikal \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc korumakt\u0131r. \u015eeriat\u0131n t\u00fcm ayg\u0131t\u0131, b\u00f6ylece insanlara bu \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc geli\u015ftirme ve her t\u00fcrl\u00fc yabanc\u0131la\u015fma giri\u015fimine kar\u015f\u0131 koruma ara\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131 sa\u011flamay\u0131 ama\u00e7lar. \u0130slam hukuku dolay\u0131s\u0131yla bireylere hizmet etmek ve \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fcklerini korumak i\u00e7indir, onlara uymalar\u0131 gereken bir d\u00fczeni dayatmak i\u00e7in de\u011fildir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00d6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc \u015feriat\u0131n hem ilkesi hem de nihai amac\u0131 haline getirerek Agu\u00e9li, hem \u0130slami dini \u00f6ze hem de modern \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck fikrine dair yeni bir bak\u0131\u015f a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131 ortaya koymaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\n\n\n\n

Dipnotlar:<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[1]: Bkz. “L’ontologie corr\u00e9lative d’Ibn \u02bfArab\u012b : M\u00e9taphysique de l’\u00eatre et de ses relations” [\u0130bn\u00fc’l-Arab\u00ee’nin \u0130li\u015fkisel Ontolojisi: Varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n ve \u0130li\u015fkilerinin Metafizi\u011fi], La non-dualit\u00e9 : Perspectives philosophiques, scientifiques, spirituelles<\/em>i\u00e7inde, ed. J.-M. Counet, Leuven, Peeters, 2021, ss. 89\u2013102. https:\/\/doi.org\/10.2307\/j.ctv2114g8d.8<\/p>\n\n\n\n

[2]: “Akbarian Anarchism: Ivan Agu\u00e9li (d. 1917) on Islam, Freedom and Shar\u012b\u02bfa” [Ekber\u00ee Anar\u015fizm: \u0130van Agu\u00e9li’nin (\u00f6. 1917) \u0130slam, \u00d6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck ve \u015eeriat \u00dczerine G\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fleri], Religiographies<\/em>, cilt 3, say\u0131 2 (2024). https:\/\/doi.org\/10.69125\/Religio.2024.v3.n2.6-24<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

\u0130bn\u00fc’l-Arab\u00ee’nin miras\u0131, Osmanl\u0131’dan Ivan Agu\u00e9li ve Ren\u00e9 Gu\u00e9non gibi modern fig\u00fcrlere uzanan geni\u015f bir yelpazede, siyasi me\u015fruiyetten radikal \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck aray\u0131\u015f\u0131na kadar farkl\u0131 bi\u00e7imlerde yeniden yorumlanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Gregory Vandamme ile \u0130bn\u00fc’l-Arab\u00ee d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesinin ontolojik yap\u0131s\u0131n\u0131, f\u00fct\u00fcvvet gelene\u011finin modern bireye sunabilece\u011fi alternatifleri ve Agu\u00e9li’nin \u00f6zg\u00fcn \u015feriat-\u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131 konu\u015ftuk. Yavuz Sultan Selim’in Muhyiddin \u0130bn\u00fc’l-Arab\u00ee’nin mezar\u0131n\u0131 ortaya \u00e7\u0131karmas\u0131 ve bir t\u00fcrbe… Continue reading →<\/span><\/a><\/span><\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":3107,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_jetpack_newsletter_access":"","_jetpack_dont_email_post_to_subs":false,"_jetpack_newsletter_tier_id":0,"_jetpack_memberships_contains_paywalled_content":false,"_jetpack_feature_clip_id":0,"_jetpack_memberships_contains_paid_content":false,"footnotes":"","jetpack_post_was_ever_published":false},"categories":[58,1],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-3104","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-gorus","category-roportajlar"],"yoast_head":"\nGregory Vandamme: \u0130bn\u00fc'l-Arab\u00ee i\u00e7in manevi olan ile siyasi olan aras\u0131nda ontolojik bir ayr\u0131m yoktur - Eren Ye\u015filyurt<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/erenyesilyurt.com\/index.php\/2026\/08\/01\/gregory-vandamme-ibnul-arabi-icin-manevi-olan-ile-siyasi-olan-arasinda-ontolojik-bir-ayrim-yoktur\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"tr_TR\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Gregory Vandamme: \u0130bn\u00fc'l-Arab\u00ee i\u00e7in manevi olan ile siyasi olan aras\u0131nda ontolojik bir ayr\u0131m yoktur - Eren Ye\u015filyurt\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"\u0130bn\u00fc’l-Arab\u00ee’nin miras\u0131, Osmanl\u0131’dan Ivan Agu\u00e9li ve Ren\u00e9 Gu\u00e9non gibi modern fig\u00fcrlere uzanan geni\u015f bir yelpazede, siyasi me\u015fruiyetten radikal \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck aray\u0131\u015f\u0131na kadar farkl\u0131 bi\u00e7imlerde yeniden yorumlanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. 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Gregory Vandamme ile \u0130bn\u00fc’l-Arab\u00ee d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesinin ontolojik yap\u0131s\u0131n\u0131, f\u00fct\u00fcvvet gelene\u011finin modern bireye sunabilece\u011fi alternatifleri ve Agu\u00e9li’nin \u00f6zg\u00fcn \u015feriat-\u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131 konu\u015ftuk. Yavuz Sultan Selim’in Muhyiddin \u0130bn\u00fc’l-Arab\u00ee’nin mezar\u0131n\u0131 ortaya \u00e7\u0131karmas\u0131 ve bir t\u00fcrbe... 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