We talked about Spanish traditionalism with Ahmed Fatih Andı. Andı’s book, The Construction of a World War in Turkey (Analysing the Ottoman-Spanish Struggle in the 16th Century ) , which I follow his cinema writings with pleasure, fills a significant gap in his field. I think that the concept of ‘tradition’, especially in Spain, will bring a new perspective to the discussions on conservative revolutionism.
What are the historical roots of the traditionalist movement in Spain, and how is it connected to the monarchy?
The first truth to state from a historian’s perspective is that, in 19th-century Spain, the terms “tradition” and “liberalism” were used for the first time in a “political” context as opposing concepts. Unlike the attitude of defending the Ancient Regime simply due to the harm to vested interests, which was common in many modernization and reform processes, the idea of defending “tradition” as a morally superior stance emerged in 19th-century Spain. Spanish Traditionalism moved beyond contexts like maintaining old social customs or conservative bureaucratic decision-making tendencies to become a political demand and ideology. The Spanish Traditionalism made such a name for itself that the term “traditionalism”, when used in the political realm, first refers to Spanish Traditionalism and later to other traditionalisms.
The values brought by the French Revolution of 1789, whose effects lingered for years, began to spread throughout Europe in the early 19th century. Institutions and mechanisms of the Ancien Régime were dismantled, modernist ideas gained public expression, and even some nobles embraced them. In the Spanish context, tradition meant a complete rejection of the French Revolutionary legacy and the preservation of two elements: fuero (ancient local laws) and religión (the idea of religion as the sole source of legitimacy). Spanish Traditionalism entered the political scene with the Carlist Wars (1833–1840, 1846–1849, 1872–1876), led by Don Carlos and his heirs, with the aim of preserving and defending these principles.
Regarding the first of the two main pillars, fueros referred to deeply rooted traditional local laws that applied in different regions or cities and having been in effect for centuries. Due to geographical, ethnic, social, and cultural differences, Spain had significant practical variations in its laws, slightly similar to the legal variations between contemporary states of USA. These laws opposed a uniform, centralized authority and reinforced local self-governance (referred to as “autogestión” in Carlist jargon) through town councils, trade guilds, and church elites. They acknowledged that each historic town and people in Spain had its distinct understanding. This pluralistic approach combined with the preservation of religious and traditional values marks a key difference between Spanish Traditionalism and the classical right. The second pillar, religión, signified the establishment of Catholic faith as both the starting point and ultimate goal of any political activity.
In summary, the preservation of the practices of the Ancien Régime, local laws, and Christian doctrine formed the foundation of traditionalism. For traditionalist thought, safeguarding these three principles was seen as possible only under the monarchy, a system considered more resistant to change and durable against the course of the time. Spanish traditionalists upheld with the defense of monarchy for reasons such as the Kingdom of Heaven being a monarchy, the institutions and norms that upheld traditional lifestyles having been established under monarchy and being irreproducible under another system, and the belief in an essential virtue of monarchy.
How did Catholic identity and the role of priests as public intellectuals and community leaders shape traditionalist thought in Spanish society?
When discussing Spanish Traditionalism, it’s important to note that while tradition opposes modernity, it is particularly defined as opposing liberalism. As a political ideology, traditionalism or Carlism relied on the concepts of fueros and regionality, asserting that Spain was not “a single nation” but rather a “nation of nations” (nación de naciones). Until the early 19th century, when nationalist sentiment and the concept of a nation-state were weak, regional loyalty and religious beliefs played a more prominent role as unifying factors.
In the Spanish Ancien Régime (Antiguo Régimen de España), political power in a region or a city was shared between the king and other local political actors (“comunidades”). Among the key players, such as trade guilds, city councils, and nobility, the Church stood out. The liberal ideal of a modern state that took away the Church’s share of power made clergy an integral part of the tangible struggle between tradition and liberalism.
Spanish Traditionalism was rooted in a strict, uncompromising, “concrete” interpretation of Catholicism, which argued that being a democrat or a liberal excluded one from being a Christian. This interpretation propelled clergy, or “good shepherds” wishing to guide their “flock,” into the role of public intellectuals and community leaders. One crucial factor supporting the clergy’s presence in the public sphere was the special place Catholicism occupied in the hearts of Spaniards. While ideological loyalty to Catholicism had been strong since the era of Philip II, and even earlier, a mystical dimension was added when an 18th-century priest, Bernardo de Hoyos, claimed that Christ had told him: “In Spain, I will reign with more reverence than anywhere else in the world.” This statement gave rise to the slogan “Reinaré en España” (“I will reign in Spain”), elevating Catholicism’s centrality and its connection to Spanish Traditionalism to a mystical level.
Within the traditionalist movement, alongside Carlism, Integrism emerged in the 19th century as another significant current. Among clergy aligned with the traditionalist school, an integrist named Félix Sardà y Salvany serves as a key example of public intellectualism and leadership. His famous work El Liberalismo Es Pecado (“Liberalism is a Sin”) crystallized a definitive rejection of liberalism, directly opposing attempts to synthesize it with Catholicism. In terms of leadership, Manuel Santa Cruz Loidi, known as “El Cura,” is an outstanding example. In the 1870s, Loidi served as a guerrilla leader for the Carlists while maintaining his identity as a priest. His charismatic leadership and military prowess earned him legendary fame.
During the Carlist phase of Spanish Traditionalism, religion, politics, and warfare became intertwined, making the influence of clergy and religious motivations and organizations dominant in the traditionalist cause. It is also notable that the Carlist movement adopted an ecclesiastical term, defining itself as the Comunión Tradicionalista (“Traditionalist Communion”). In subsequent years, during the Spanish Civil War, the targeting of priests, churches, and holy tombs, as well as the thousands of clergy murdered during the period known as the Red Terror (Terror Rojo), vividly illustrates the impact of their influence.
How can the historical and cultural relationships between Latin America and Spain be interpreted from a traditionalist perspective?
The formation of nationalism in Spain presents a unique case in the context of sociology. Because Spain’s traditional political organization was based on regionalism and the concept of a “nation of nations,” centralism and the nation-state ideal were left to “liberal” politicians and statesmen. Although Franco’s regime emphasized the idea of a Spanish nation and engaged in nation-building efforts, for reasons that would require a separate discussion, I do not consider Franco’s Spain as a nation-state. Apart from Franco’s exceptional stance and today’s political parties imitating American conservatism, the Spanish “right” generally leans toward the identity of Hispanidad (Hispanic identity) rather than a nation-state framework. As an extension of the idea of a “nation of nations” within Spain, all former imperial communities speaking Spanish and adhering to Catholicism are considered Hispanic.
For commentators aligned with the Ancien Régime and tradition, Simón Bolívar has become a prime target of criticism. The states founded under Bolívar’s leadership followed the mold of the modern nation-state, dismantling the local laws and elites inherited from the Ancien Régime. Consequently, Bolívar is denounced, and letters he wrote to some British authorities are often cited to portray him as a traitor.
Similarly, issues such as the Spanish Empire’s Christian charity (caridad) or its racial hybridization (mestizaje) by incorporating native peoples who adopted the Catholic faith are presented as counterarguments to the Leyenda Negra Española (“Black Legend of Spain”), a collection of anti-Spanish historical theses seen by traditionalists as ideologically motivated.
While occasional calls for reunification with Spain (reunificacionismo) are voiced by small groups in various Latin American countries, it is difficult to claim that these calls have broad resonance. In the Latin American context, the emphasis of the traditionalist movement seems to lie more on Hispanidad (Hispanic identity) than on ancient laws or other aspects of tradition.
How are “strangers” and “liberals” perceived by the Spanish traditionalist movement?
As noted earlier, Spanish Traditionalism was based on a strict and uncompromising interpretation of Catholicism. Liberal tendencies were seen as the antithesis of tradition and a symbol of moral evil. The local identity, communal solidarity, and religious affiliation embodied in tradition were viewed by traditionalists as inseparable components of the Iberian peoples or nations. Consequently, “what is not tradition” was also considered “foreign” and “not belonging” to Iberia or Spain. The slogan of the 1872 Carlist War encapsulates this sentiment: “¡Abajo el extranjero! ¡Viva España!” (“Down with strangers! Long live Spain!”).
A practice reinforcing the perception of liberals as foreigners was the occasional use of the term guiri—a word now associated with tourists and outsiders—to describe liberals. To Carlists, ideals contrary to tradition were foreign to Spanish soil, and those who embraced them were strangers/aliens themselves. As the Carlist Wars of the 19th century were civil wars, fighting against these “strangers” within the homeland was regarded as a source of pride and valor. This is perfectly reflected in the lyrics of one of the most popular Carlist songs, Calzame las Alpargatas: “Calzame las alpargatas, dame la boina, carga el fusil; que voy a matar más GUIRIS que flores tiene mayo y abril!”. Translated from Spanish, these words mean: “Put on my espadrilles, give me my beret, load the rifle; I’m going to kill more liberals/strangers than flowers of May and April!”
What is the current state of the traditionalist movement in contemporary Spain?
Carlism became almost synonymous with traditionalism, overshadowing other currents such as Integrism in terms of public visibility. And Carlism, with its persistence and tenacity, outlived its Portuguese counterpart Miguelism, its French counterpart Legitimism, and its Mexican counterpart the Cristeros. However, following Franco’s death in the 1970s, the Carlists failed to secure significant space in mainstream politics. The democratic winds blowing after Franco and the fact that the Carlist Party (Partido Carlista), founded in 1970, remained banned until 1977 contributed to this. Over time, the lack of success led to frequent internal divisions and the emergence of factions within Carlism. The separation between new traditionalists leaning toward self-management (autogestión) and federalism and classic traditionalists advocating the Ancien Régime and monarchy began in the 1970s, further eroding the authentic 19th-century Carlist-Traditionalism. After the bloody Montejurra Incident in 1972, where the two factions clashed, Carlism chose to continue as a cultural and spiritual movement, distancing itself from armed means. Today, outside the Carlists, the label “traditionalist” is rarely used, and the Carlists, under the leadership of Don Sixto Enrique de Borbón, persist as a cultural movement. Although Partido Carlista, belonging to the 1970’s faction keeps existing as a fringe faction today, all branches of Carlism is represented by slim percentages.
The points where contemporary Spanish traditionalists differ from the “alt-right” in rhetoric include the adoption of ex-imperial groups outside Spain, the defense of Hispanic identity, the rejection of democracy, the strict application of Christian dogmas not just culturally but devoutly, hostility toward Israel and the United States (unlike parties like VOX), and the continued adherence to the traditional view of Jews as “the killers of Christ” in opposition to the newly popularized notion of “Judeo-Christianity”.
During the floods that affected all of Spain in October 2024, while the progressive Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez appeared before the press in spotless clothes, the King, Felipe VI—often accused of globalism and whose political views are not significantly different from Sánchez’s—was seen participating in relief efforts in mud covered clothes. This was interpreted among both traditionalists and conservatives as evidence of a stark moral difference between a king and a politician, even if the king was perceived as being on the “morally wrong” side.